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Beyond Russia, becoming local: Trajectories of adaption to the fall of the Soviet Union among ethnic Russians in the former Soviet Republics

机译:在俄罗斯之外成为地方:前苏联共和国的俄罗斯民族适应苏联沦陷的轨迹

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When the Soviet Union began to unravel in the late 1980s, many observers expected that the 25 million ethnic Russians who lived in the non-Russian republics represented an important group of people who could be mobilized by ‘empire-savers’ to stem this process. Russians who would end up as minorities in new nationalizing states, had little if anything to gain from state disintegration. They were also highly resourceful in terms of education and occupational positions. The sinister role which ethnic Serbs played in Slobodan Milosevic’s schemes to salvage the Yugoslav state boded ill, as did the bloody war waged by France in Algeria in protection of the pied-noirs in the 1950s. As it turned out, the Russians in the non-Russian republics for the most part remained remarkably passive, and this contributed in no small degree to the tranquil transition to a new political map in Eurasia. This article is an attempt to explain this counterintuitive outcome. I revisit a typology of identity trajectories for the Russian diaspora which I developed in the mid-1990s and conclude that its basic insights remain valid. At that time I had argued that Russians outside the RSFSR had already for some time been going through a process of dissociation from the Russian core group. They were adopting some cultural traits from the local population without undergoing any kind of assimilation. While there were important regional varieties as well as generational differences within each Russophone community, as a general rule it could be said that they had developed an identity of their own, or more precisely: one local identity for each republic. In this way Russian ethnic solidarity was weakened and the mobilizational potential of the diaspora issue for political purposes was diminished. Empirical research carried out by myself and others over the last 15 years, including large-scale opinion polls, seem to confirm these assumptions. After the break-up of the unitary state the distance between the identity trajectories of the various Russian-speaking post-Soviet communities have gradually grown wider, for a number of reasons. Those Russians who were least willing or able to adapt to the new political circumstances have in many cases returned to Russia, making it even more important for those who remain to learn the local language and find their cultural-political niche in their country of residence as a national minority.
机译:苏联在1980年代末开始瓦解时,许多观察家都期望生活在非俄罗斯共和国的2500万俄罗斯人代表着重要的一群人,可以由“帝国保护者”动员以阻止这一进程。在新的国有化国家中最终将成为少数族裔的俄罗斯人,从国家解体中获得的收益几乎没有。他们在教育和职业方面也非常足智多谋。塞族人在斯洛博丹·米洛舍维奇(Slobodan Milosevic)抢救南斯拉夫国家的计划中扮演的险恶角色预示着生病,法国在1950年代阿尔及利亚为保护黑斑病发动的血腥战争也是如此。事实证明,非俄罗斯共和国的俄罗斯人在很大程度上仍然非常被动,这在很大程度上促成了从欧亚大陆向新政治地图的平稳过渡。本文试图解释这种违反直觉的结果。我回顾了我在1990年代中期开发的俄罗斯侨民身份轨迹的类型学,并得出结论,其基本见解仍然有效。当时我认为,RSFSR之外的俄罗斯人已经经历了一段时间与俄罗斯核心组织的分离。他们在没有任何同化的情况下就采用了当地居民的一些文化特征。尽管每个Russophone社区内部都有重要的地区变体和世代差异,但通常可以说,他们已经建立了自己的身份,或更准确地说,是每个共和国的一个本地身份。这样一来,俄罗斯的民族团结就被削弱了,散居国外的人出于政治目的的动员潜力也被削弱了。我和其他人在过去15年中进行的经验研究,包括大规模的民意调查,似乎证实了这些假设。统一国家解体后,出于多种原因,俄语后苏联各社区的身份轨迹之间的距离逐渐扩大。那些最不愿意或不能够适应新的政治环境的俄罗斯人在许多情况下已返回俄罗斯,这对于那些仍然学习当地语言并在居住国找到自己的文化政治利基的人来说显得尤为重要。少数民族。

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