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Resilience vs. Adaptation: Framing and action

机译:弹性与适应:框架与行动

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Abstract Responses to climate change may be viewed as requiring primarily “Resilience” or “Adaptation.” We examine how those two terms affect lay responses to the risks of coastal flooding and sea level rise. We use two tasks requiring substantial participant involvement, one providing minimal information and one substantial information. In Study 1, participants spent ten minutes writing an essay about a picture with flooding, labeled with “Resilience” or “Adaptation.” In Study 2, participants used an interactive aid to evaluate moving to a coastal community described as having a policy of Resilience or Adaptation, or having No Stated Policy. In Study 1, both groups judged the threat of flood similarly. In Study 2, Resilience was associated with increased concern about risks, but less willingness to take individual protective action. prs.rt("abs_end"); Keywords Climate change ; Framing effects ; Decision-making ; Resilience ; Adaptation ; Motivation Resilience vs. Adaptation The terms “Resilience” and “Adaptation” compete as ways to frame discussions about meeting the challenge of climate change ( Adger et al., 2005 , Brown, 2013 , Dietz et al., 2009 , McEvoy et al., 2013 and Nelson et al., 2007 ). As discussed below, scientific usage of the two terms suggests rather different forms of mobilization. Here we ask how the choice of term affects lay responses to the risks of coastal flooding, as expressed in two tasks, one with minimal content and one with detailed (informational) content. The psychological concept of Resilience has its roots in child development research ( Antonovsky et al., 1971 , Hill, 1958 and Werner, 1993 ). Scientists wondered why some people who experience multiple stressors still grow into healthy adults ( Masten, 2001 ). Their studies identified supportive factors in both individuals (e.g., talent, physical health) and their environments (e.g., help from extended families or mentors). Psychological studies of Adaptation ask how people respond to stressors, without presuming that they master the challenges ( Lazarus and Folkman, 1984 ). Many accounts are variants of Adaptation Level Theory ( Helson, 1948 ), according to which people come to treat new situations as the norm, even when that means accepting a diminished state. For example, Cognitive Adaptation Theory ( Taylor, 1983 ) examines how people find meaning in trauma; Interpersonal Adaptation Theory ( Burgoon et al., 2007 ) considers how they adapt to new social settings. Thus, for psychologists, “Resilience” is a trait, reflecting a general ability to master challenges, whereas “Adaptation” is a state, reflecting how individuals deal with specific stressors. Resilience includes the ability to acquire new capabilities, perhaps emerging stronger from the struggle, whereas Adaptation entails preserving existing resources. If these terms evoke the same perspectives for lay audiences as they do for scientists, then they might evoke different responses to the threat of climate change – just as “climate change” and “global warming” might ( Leiserowitz and Feinberg, 2014 ). If so, then the choice between them would add another example to the literature on framing or context effects, which arise from seemingly subtle changes in how problems are posed ( Chong and Druckman, 2007 , Levin et al., 1998 , Tversky and Kahneman, 1981 and Scheufele and Iyengar, 2014 ). Here, we assess how the choice between these two terms affects responses to the threat of coastal flooding. Study 1 has participants write an essay about a flood cleanup scene labeled with a single word, “Resilience” or “Adaptation,” and then answer questions about how they would respond to flooding risks. Study 2 has participants use a decision aid to evaluate moving to a community vulnerable to coastal flooding, described as having a policy of Resilience or Adaptation, or having No Stated Policy, and then answer questions about flooding risks. Both tasks, writing an essay and exploring a decision aid, are more involving than those in the typical framing study, although still reflecting hypothetical choices. Study 1 – framing in a word for current risk Participants wrote stories about a flood cleanup scene after being randomly assigned to conditions in which it was labeled with “Resilience” or “Adaptation,” in order to evoke its natural associations. They then answered questions about how they would respond to coastal flooding risks if they lived in the place depicted in the picture. Participants We recruited 202 adult participants through Amazon’s Mechanical Turk (MTurk), an online service ( Buhrmester et al., 2011 ). Comparisons of behavioral experiments using MTurk and other recruitment methods, such as participant pools or convenience samples, have found few differences ( Crump et al., 2013 and Mason and Suri, 2012 ). In self-reports, participants’ mean age was 34.4 ( SD =?12.5), with 59.9% female, 78.8% White or Caucasian, 46.1% with at least a bachelor’s degree, and 36.7% wi
机译:摘要对气候变化的响应可能被视为主要需要“弹性”或“适应”。我们研究了这两个术语如何影响对沿海洪水和海平面上升风险的外行反应。我们使用两项需要大量参与者参与的任务,一项提供最少的信息,一项提供大量的信息。在研究1中,参与者花了十分钟写一篇关于洪水泛滥的图片的文章,并标有“复原力”或“适应性”。在研究2中,参与者使用互动式辅助工具评估了搬迁到沿海社区的情况,该社区被描述为具有复原力或适应政策,或者没有规定的政策。在研究1中,两组都以相似的方式判断洪水威胁。在研究2中,抵御能力与对风险的担忧增加有关,但对采取个体防护措施的意愿降低。 prs.rt(“ abs_end”);关键词气候变化;框架效应;做决定 ;弹性;适应;动机抵御力与适应力术语“抵御力”和“适应性”相互竞争,构成讨论应对气候变化挑战的框架(Adger等,2005; Brown,2013; Dietz等,2009; McEvoy等。 ,2013年和Nelson等人,2007年)。如下所述,这两个术语的科学用法表明动员的形式相当不同。在这里,我们要问术语的选择如何影响对沿海洪灾风险的外行反应,这体现在两项任务中,一项任务内容最少,而另一项任务内容详尽(信息性)。复原力的心理学概念起源于儿童发展研究(Antonovsky等,1971; Hill,1958; Werner,1993)。科学家们想知道为什么有些经历多重压力的人仍然长成健康的成年人(Masten,2001)。他们的研究确定了个人(例如,才能,身体健康)和环境(例如,大家庭或导师的帮助)的支持因素。适应的心理学研究询问了人们如何应对压力源,而不假定他们已掌握了挑战(Lazarus and Folkman,1984)。许多论述是适应水平理论的变体(Helson,1948年),根据该理论人们将新情况视为规范,即使这意味着接受减少的状态。例如,认知适应理论(Taylor,1983)研究了人们如何在创伤中发现意义。人际适应理论(Burgoon等,2007)考虑了他们如何适应新的社会环境。因此,对于心理学家来说,“适应力”是一个特征,反映了应对挑战的一般能力,而“适应”是一种状态,反映了个人如何应对特定的压力源。复原力包括获得新能力的能力,可能会从斗争中变得更强,而适应则需要保留现有资源。如果这些用语对普通大众和科学家一样具有相同的见解,那么它们可能会对气候变化的威胁做出不同的反应,就像“气候变化”和“全球变暖”一样(Leiserowitz和Feinberg,2014)。如果是这样的话,那么在它们之间的选择将为框架或上下文效应的文献增加另一个例子,这是由问题的构成方式上的细微变化引起的(Chong和Druckman,2007; Levin等,1998; Tversky和Kahneman, 1981年,Scheufele和Iyengar,2014年)。在这里,我们评估了这两个术语之间的选择如何影响对沿海洪灾威胁的响应。研究1让参与者写一篇关于洪水清理现场的文章,用一个单词“ Resilience”或“ Adaptation”标记,然后回答有关他们将如何应对洪水风险的问题。研究2让参与者使用决策辅助工具评估迁移到易受沿海洪灾影响的社区(被描述为具有抵御力或适应政策,或没有陈述政策),然后回答有关洪灾风险的问题。尽管仍然反映了假设的选择,但撰写论文和探索决策辅助这两项任务比典型的框架研究中的任务更多。研究1 –用当前风险来形容参与者为了唤起其自然联系,参与者被随机分配到标有“复原力”或“适应性”的条件之后,写了有关洪水清理现场的故事。然后,他们回答了以下问题:如果他们住在图片所示的地方,将如何应对沿海洪灾风险。参与者我们通过在线服务亚马逊的Mechanical Turk(MTurk)招募了202名成年参与者(Buhrmester等,2011)。使用MTurk和其他招募方法(例如参与者库或便利样本)进行的行为实验的比较发现差异很小(Crump等,2013; Mason和Suri,2012)。在自我报告中,参与者的平均年龄为34.4(SD =?12.5),其中女性为59.9%,白人或高加索人为78.8%,具有学士学位以上的人为46.1%,以及wi。的36.7%

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