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首页> 外文期刊>Commonwealth & Comparative Politics >The UK Caribbean Overseas Territories: governing unruliness amidst the extra-territorial EU
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The UK Caribbean Overseas Territories: governing unruliness amidst the extra-territorial EU

机译:英属加勒比海地区:在域外欧盟内部治理不守规矩

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This article traces the contours of the complex, often obscure administrative and governance arrangements that have framed relationships between the Caribbean Overseas Territories of the UK in recent years. Relations between the governments of Anguilla, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands (BVI), Caymans, Montserrat, and Turks and Caicos and the UK government in London have not always been smooth. From the 1970s onwards, it was assumed in Whitehall and Westminster that these territories would become independent. This absent-minded assumption reinforced a set of fragmented, and remarkably personalised, ad hoc governance arrangements, at least to the late 1990s. Little sense of post-colonial purpose or shared vision animated relations between Overseas Countries and Territories (OCT) and UK governments. The ‘bias for independence’ has faded, however, as opposition to sovereignty being imposed was finally acknowledged by the New Labour government's White Paper of 1999. In 2009, the UK government even imposed direct rule on the Turks and Caicos Islands, following a corruption scandal that threatened the territory's economic and political future. We reflect on lessons of the past decade or so, contrasting UK-OCT governance arrangements to those in the comparable, yet also very distinct, neighbouring Dutch and French Caribbean territories. Overall, developments in governance arrangements indicate that whilst new ‘contracts’ are periodically forged between the UK and its Caribbean OCTs - something that appears to be true at EU-wide level also, for the Dutch and French Caribbean territories in their relations with the ‘metropolis’ - reform has been insufficient and incomplete.View full textDownload full textKeywordsUK Overseas Territories, EU, Labour, French Caribbean, Netherlands Antilles, governance, citizenshipRelated var addthis_config = { ui_cobrand: "Taylor & Francis Online", services_compact: "citeulike,netvibes,twitter,technorati,delicious,linkedin,facebook,stumbleupon,digg,google,more", pubid: "ra-4dff56cd6bb1830b" }; Add to shortlist Link Permalink http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2012.671604
机译:本文追溯了复杂的,经常模糊的行政和治理安排的轮廓,这些安排近年来构架了英国加勒比海海外领土之间的关系。安圭拉,百慕大,英属维尔京群岛(BVI),开曼群岛,蒙特塞拉特,特克斯和凯科斯群岛政府与伦敦的英国政府之间的关系并不总是一帆风顺。从1970年代起,白厅和威斯敏斯特假定这些领土将成为独立的。这种心不在assumption的假设至少在1990年代后期加强了一系列分散的,非常个性化的临时治理安排。海外国家和地区(OCT)与英国政府之间的殖民后目的或共同愿景的动画化关系几乎没有意义。但是,“争取独立的偏见”已逐渐消失,因为新工党政府的《 1999年白皮书》最终承认了对主权的反对。2009年,英国政府甚至对特克斯和凯科斯群岛施加了直接统治,继腐败丑闻威胁到该国的经济和政治前途之后。我们回顾了过去十年左右的经验教训,将英国-华侨城的治理安排与可比较但也非常不同的邻近荷兰和法属加勒比地区的治理安排进行了对比。总体而言,治理安排方面的发展表明,尽管英国与其加勒比OCT之间定期缔结了新的“合同”,但在荷兰和法属加勒比领土之间的关系中,在整个欧盟范围内似乎也是如此与“都市”一起进行的改革还不够充分和不完整。查看全文下载全文关键字英国海外领地,欧盟,劳工,法属加勒比海地区,荷兰荷属安的列斯群岛,治理,公民身份相关var addthis_config = {ui_cobrand:“泰勒和弗朗西斯在线”, services_compact:“ citeulike,netvibes,twitter,technorati,美味,linkedin,facebook,stumbleupon,digg,google,更多”,发布:“ ra-4dff56cd6bb1830b”};添加到候选列表链接永久链接http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2012.671604

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