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Greenhouse Democracy: A Political Theory for Climate Change

机译:温室民主:气候变化的政治理论

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This dissertation offers a critique of what scholars have called the 'dominant climate imaginary:' a way of thinking that animates mainstream climate politics. It proposes in turn a 'democratic imaginary' through which to respond to anthropogenic climate change.;Through the lens of the dominant imaginary: 1) climate change appears as an essentially technical and scientific problem, 2) the impacts of climate change are presumed to be spatially and/or temporally distant, and 3) individuals and communities implicated in a changing climate are encouraged to accept that countering climate change is primarily the responsibility of distant organizations and institutions. As such, the dominant imaginary provides little room for centering and addressing everyday entanglements with climate change, even as it stymies opportunities for approaching climate change through bottom-up, democratic politics.;In response, this dissertation argues that concerned political theorists and activists ought resist the dominant climate imaginary, and proposes the concept of 'climate violence' as a means of doing so. Once climate change is understood as a problem of violence -- and therefore not only a technical and scientific problem -- questions about its political implications are more easily asked. Who is responsible for the problem? Who is most impacted? How should those who are implicated in one way or another think about responsibility for, and democratic responses to, climate change?;Having critiqued the dominant imaginary and argued for the concept of climate violence, the dissertation ends with a turn to democratic and feminist political theorists. By putting such theorists into conversation with the problem of climate violence, I end by outlining 'greenhouse democracy' a set of ecologically sensitive democratic commitments and provocations. According to greenhouse democracy the experience of living under the threat of climate violence, rather than any official citizenship granted by states, qualifies and invites one to participate in building bottom-up, collective responses to climate violence.
机译:这篇论文对学者们所谓的“主导性气候假想”提出了批评:一种使主流气候政治充满活力的思维方式。它反过来提出了一个“民主的假想”,通过它来应对人为的气候变化。;通过占主导地位的假想的镜头:1)气候变化基本上是一个技术和科学问题,2)气候变化的影响被认为是3)鼓励与气候变化有关的个人和社区接受应对气候变化的主要责任是遥远的组织和机构的责任。这样一来,占主导地位的假想就没有足够的空间集中和解决与气候变化的日常纠缠,尽管它阻碍了通过自下而上,民主政治解决气候变化的机会。作为回应,本文认为,有关的政治理论家和活动家应该抵制主要的气候假想,并提出“气候暴力”的概念作为这样做的一种手段。一旦将气候变化理解为暴力问题,因此不仅是技术和科学问题,还更容易提出有关其政治含义的问题。谁负责这个问题?谁受影响最大?那些以一种或另一种方式牵连的人应该如何思考对气候变化的责任和民主对策?;批评了主流的假想,并为气候暴力的概念辩护,论文以转向民主和女性主义政治为结尾理论家。通过让这样的理论家与气候暴力问题进行对话,我最后概述了“温室民主”,即一系列对生态敏感的民主承诺和挑衅。根据温室民主制度,在气候暴力威胁下而不是在国家授予的任何正式公民身份下生活的经验使人们有资格并邀请人们参与对气候暴力采取自下而上的集体应对措施。

著录项

  • 作者

    Hobbs-Morgan, Chase M.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Minnesota.;

  • 授予单位 University of Minnesota.;
  • 学科 Political science.;Climate change.;Environmental justice.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2017
  • 页码 250 p.
  • 总页数 250
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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