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Education outcomes, party contacting, and change in party identification .

机译:教育成果,聚会联系以及聚会标识的更改。

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摘要

This dissertation presents three studies that challenge the conventional understanding about the ways in which political elites influence citizens' orientations toward, as well as the citizens' resources that bear upon, political participation. The studies question assumptions about the intent and consequences of elite behavior in three distinct, but related substantive literatures. These literatures include: electoral contacting, party identification formation, and state education outcomes.;The first study helps explain the long observed pattern where political elites disproportionately contact the socioeconomically and politically advantaged during elections despite theory from the campaign mobilization literature that argues contacting will have the most influence on individuals who are socioeconomically and politically disadvantaged. This paradox is explained once one recognizes that contacting during elections serves divergent goals that are tied to the election cycle and to election competitiveness. Broadly speaking, contacting in elections should be seen as having two participatory recruitment stages: a resource gathering stage-with resources coming from the advantaged-and a mass-mobilization stage-where every vote counts only when elections are competitive.;The second study challenges the idea that political parties and their operatives only alter party identities through a few indirect mechanisms: strategic positioning on issues and performance of elected officials. Rather, this study argues that campaign contacts have the unanticipated consequence of offering opportunities for behavioral reinforcement of citizens' party identities.;The final study reassesses the racial discrimination explanation for the persistent relationship between statewide diversity and poor education outcomes. While this study reaffirms the existence of the pattern, a critical finding is that socioeconomic status and other conventional explanations are better at predicting poor education outcomes than state level diversity. By probing more deeply, this study also discovers that white student outcomes drive the association between diversity and outcomes.
机译:本文提出了三项研究,对政治精英影响公民对政治取向的态度以及对公民参与政治资源的传统理解提出了挑战。这项研究质疑关于三种不同但相关的实质性文献中关于精英行为意图和后果的假设。这些文献包括:选举接触,政党认同形成和国家教育成果。;第一项研究有助于解释长期观察到的模式,尽管竞选动员文献中的理论认为接触将有联系,但政治精英在选举期间不成比例地接触社会经济和政治优势。对在社会经济和政治上处于不利地位的个人的影响最大。一旦人们认识到选举期间的联系服务于与选举周期和选举竞争力有关的不同目标,就可以解释这种悖论。从广义上讲,选举中的联系应被视为具有两个参与性征聘阶段:一个资源收集阶段(资源来自有优势的人)和大规模动员阶段,其中每个选票仅在选举具有竞争性时才计算在内;第二个研究挑战政党及其执行人员只能通过一些间接机制来改变政党身份的想法:对问题和当选官员表现的战略定位。相反,本研究认为,竞选活动的接触具有意想不到的结果,即为公民的党派身份提供了行为强化的机会。最终研究重新评估了种族歧视对全州多元化与不良教育成果之间持续存在关系的解释。尽管这项研究重申了这种模式的存在,但一个关键的发现是,社会经济地位和其他常规解释比州一级的差异更能预测不良的教育成果。通过更深入的探索,本研究还发现白人学生的成绩驱动着多样性和成绩之间的关联。

著录项

  • 作者

    Kershaw, David C.;

  • 作者单位

    The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.;

  • 授予单位 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2009
  • 页码 104 p.
  • 总页数 104
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:38:21

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