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Inequality, Context, and Prosocial Behavior: An Examination of Redistributive Preferences

机译:不平等,情境和亲社会行为:重新分配偏好的检验

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My dissertation "Inequality, Context, and Prosocial Behavior: An Examination of Redistributive Preferences" contributes to an emergent literature on the effects of inequality on policy outcomes by illuminating the psychological and institutional factors which influence support for redistributive policies differentially among the rich and poor. In my dissertation, I advance two primary arguments. First, drawing from the evolutionary psychological literature on competition effects and the social psychological literature on the social cognition of status, I argue that at the individual-level, economic threat moderates the relationship between social status and prosocial behavior. Secondly, drawing from the resource model of political participation and models of policy responsiveness, I argue that at the institutional-level, transparency interventions fail to promote redistribution to lower-income citizens specifically when (1) lower-income citizens do not access the information released by transparency interventions and when (2) lower-income citizens do not turn out to vote at rates comparable to higher-income citizens.;I evaluate my first argument using both a laboratory experiment and public opinion data from the 2012 American National Election Study (ANES). In contrast to theoretical expectations, in the laboratory experiment I present evidence that under conditions of economic threat, low and high-status subjects behave similarly: they are equally likely to perceive threat and give roughly equal amounts to one another in a dictator game. Using data from the 2012 ANES, I present evidence that while income does not predict whether an individual is more likely to blame low-status consumers or high-status Wall Street bankers as being more responsible for the 2008 financial crisis, I do present evidence which suggests that high-income individuals who blame higher-status groups more than lower-status groups are significantly more likely to support increased aid to the poor.;I evaluate my second argument empirically with a laboratory experiment and state-level panel data covering the years 1978-2000. Using a laboratory experiment, I present evidence that under conditions of budget transparency, subjects endowed with the power to create budgets were more likely to allocate greater proportions of their budget to subjects who had more resources and who had the power to veto the budget. Using state-level panel data between 1978-2000, I explore the relationship between transparency, media market penetration, class bias in voter participation, and welfare expenditures in the United States. Using a series of between-within panel models, I present evidence that the effect of transparency on public welfare expenditures is conditional on the different turnout propensities of the rich and the poor: in states where wealthier citizens are significantly more likely to vote in elections than the poor, longitudinal increases in budget transparency over time are associated with significant reductions in state welfare effort.;The results of my dissertation have produced important insights into the psychological and institutional mechanisms that influence the redistributive preferences of individuals and the redistributive behavior of states. My research can move the fields of political science and social psychology toward resolution of unsettled theoretical debates concerning the generosity of different social classes and from a prescriptive standpoint reinforces the need for transparency interventions to move beyond a singular focus on information-release.
机译:我的论文“不平等,背景和亲社会行为:对再分配偏好的检验”通过阐明影响富人和穷人对再分配政策支持的心理和制度因素,为有关不平等对政策结果影响的新兴文献做出了贡献。在我的论文中,我提出了两个主要论点。首先,我从关于竞争效应的进化心理学文献和关于地位的社会认知的社会心理学文献中得出,我认为在个人层面上,经济威胁减轻了社会地位与亲社会行为之间的关系。其次,从政治参与的资源模型和政策响应模型中,我认为,在机构一级,透明干预无法促进对低收入公民的重新分配,特别是在以下情况下:(1)低收入公民无法获取信息(2)低收入公民没有以与高收入公民可比的投票率投票;我使用实验室实验和2012年美国国家选举研究的民意数据评估了我的第一个论点(ANES)。与理论预期相反,在实验室实验中,我提供了证据,表明在经济威胁条件下,处于低地位和高地位的主体的行为类似:在独裁者博弈中,他们同样有可能感知到威胁,并且彼此大致相等。使用2012年ANES的数据,我提供了证据,虽然收入不能预测个人是更可能将低地位的消费者还是高地位的华尔街银行家归咎于应对2008年金融危机负责,但我确实提供了证据,这表明,将高收入群体归咎于低收入群体的人比支持低收入群体的人更有可能支持增加对穷人的援助。我通过实验室实验和涵盖该年的州级面板数据对第二个论点进行了经验评估1978年至2000年。通过实验室实验,我提供证据表明,在预算透明的条件下,拥有预算制定能力的主体更有可能将更多比例的预算分配给拥有更多资源且有权否决预算的主体。我使用1978-2000年间的州级面板数据,研究了透明度,媒体市场渗透率,选民参与中的阶级偏见以及美国的福利支出之间的关系。通过使用一系列内部之间的面板模型,我提供了证据表明透明度对公共福利支出的影响取决于富人和穷人的不同投票倾向:在那些富裕的公民比在选举中投票的可能性大得多的州随着时间的推移,预算透明度的纵向纵向增长不佳,与国家福利工作的显着减少有关。;我的论文结果对影响个人再分配偏好和国家再分配行为的心理和制度机制产生了重要见解。我的研究可以将政治学和社会心理学领域的研究推向解决有关不同社会阶层慷慨性的尚未解决的理论辩论,并且从规范性的角度出发,这更加需要透明性干预措施,而不仅仅是对信息发布的单一关注。

著录项

  • 作者单位

    The Florida State University.;

  • 授予单位 The Florida State University.;
  • 学科 Political science.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2018
  • 页码 147 p.
  • 总页数 147
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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