首页> 外文学位 >Sartre's confrontation with colonialism: The Algerian case and his engagement against communism.
【24h】

Sartre's confrontation with colonialism: The Algerian case and his engagement against communism.

机译:萨特与殖民主义的对抗:阿尔及利亚案和他对共产主义的参与。

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例

摘要

This dissertation confronts misconceptions regarding Jean-Paul Sartre's relation to communism in order to clear the way for a thorough appreciation of his analysis of colonialism and his stand against torture during the Algerian War. I emphasize how the tumultuous collapse of both the Third and Fourth French Republics influenced Sartre's engagement with Algeria's decolonization. I argue that to fully understand Jean Paul Sartre's theorizations on colonialism, especially as it brutally climaxed during the Algerian War with the widespread use of torture, we must closely examine his earlier grave disappointments and confrontations with the two dominant French political classes---socialists and communists---during fascists wars (the 1936-39 Spanish Civil War and World War II, 1940-1945). I examine two key Sartrian works written during war periods threatened by anti-democratic governance: Les Sequestres d 'Altona (1958), during the Algerian War, and his postwar trilogy, Les Chemins de la Liberte. I demonstrate that far from shrinking from criticizing the left out of loyalty to the French and Soviet Communist Parties, Sartre attacked the left in those works. I show why, and in what terms. The Socialist-sponsored and Communist-supported State of Exception legislation in France during the fifties, and the same parties' failure to defend the Algerians' struggle for independence recalled their past failures with regard to the Spanish Republic and the Stalin-Hitler pact of 1939. I show how the timing of Les Chemins de la Liberte and Les Sequestres d'Altona---published in the early years of the Cold War and during the Algerian crisis---increased their political and moral significance.;I examine why Sartre had an easier relationship with the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI) than with his own country's communist party and even socialist leaders. I contend that Italy's strong communist inclinations in the aftermath of World II and its collective mythical perception of its colonial history as a non-serious, fumbling endeavor, led Italy to feel less implicated than its other Western European counterparts in Sartre's ethical inquiries on race and torture. I show how domestic colonial questions were integral to the founding theorizations by Antonio Gramsci and Palmiro Togliatti on Italian Marxism. I explore how Italian communists could have read Sartre's engagement with Algeria as his Southern Question and why his support for the Algerian independence unleashed a considerable lasting interest for his works in Italy.;Jean Paul Sartre did not conflate Marxism with communism. Yet, he has been commonly misrepresented as a communist thinker despite his numerous confrontations with French communists and Stalinists. It is true that after the Korean War (1950-1953) and the Ridgway Affair (July 14, 1953) Sartre more vehemently opposed American hegemony by publicly supporting the Parti Communiste Francais (PCF). His relations with the party, however, were riddled with mutual mistrust because he prized his right to criticize controversial positions as an unaffiliated sympathizer. Sartre most passionately exposed their incompetence and complicity during a period riddled with fascism and what he considered to be a neo-fascist refusal to decolonize Algeria.
机译:这篇论文面临着关于让·保罗·萨特(Jean-Paul Sartre)与共产主义关系的误解,以期为彻底了解他对阿尔及利亚战争期间的殖民主义分析和反对酷刑的立场扫清道路。我强调法兰西第三共和国和第四共和国的动荡崩溃如何影响萨特对阿尔及利亚非殖民化的参与。我认为,要充分理解让·保罗·萨特(Jean Paul Sartre)关于殖民主义的理论,尤其是在阿尔及利亚战争期间由于广泛使用酷刑而残酷地达到的理论,我们必须仔细研究他早期与两个主要法国政治阶层-社会主义者的严重失望和对抗和共产主义者-法西斯战争期间(1936-39西班牙内战和第二次世界大战,1940-1945)。我考察了在受到反民主统治威胁的战争时期写的两部重要的萨特作品:阿尔及利亚战争期间的勒·塞奎特·德·阿尔顿娜(1958年),以及他的战后三部曲《化学家·自由主义者》。我证明,萨特不仅没有批评非盟对法国和苏联共产党的忠诚,反而在这些著作中抨击了左翼。我说明了原因,以及用什么术语。五十年代法国由社会主义者赞助并得到共产党支持的《例外状态法》,同一党派未能捍卫阿尔及利亚人争取独立的斗争,使人回想起他们过去在西班牙共和国和1939年《斯大林-希特勒条约》方面的失败我展示了在冷战初期和阿尔及利亚危机期间出版的《 Les Chemins de la Liberte》和《 Les Sequestres d'Altona》的时机如何增加了它们的政治和道德意义。与意大利人民党(PCI)的关系要比与本国共产党甚至社会主义领导人的关系容易。我认为,在第二次世界大战之后,意大利强烈的共产主义倾向,以及对其殖民历史的不公正认真的集体神话认识,使意大利在萨特对种族和种族的道德调查中比其他西欧同行少了一些牵连。折磨。我将说明国内殖民主义问题是安东尼奥·葛兰西(Antonio Gramsci)和帕米罗·托利亚蒂(Paliro Togliatti)关于意大利马克思主义的理论基础所不可或缺的。我探讨了意大利共产主义者如何将萨特与阿尔及利亚的交往视为他的南方问题,以及为什么他对阿尔及利亚独立的支持对他在意大利的作品产生了相当长的持久兴趣。吉恩·保罗·萨特(Jean Paul Sartre)没有将马克思主义与共产主义混为一谈。然而,尽管他多次与法国共产党人和斯大林主义者对抗,但他通常被曲解为共产党思想家。的确,在朝鲜战争(1950-1953)和里奇韦事件(1953年7月14日)之后,萨特通过公开支持法国共产党(PCF)更加强烈地反对美国霸权。但是,他与该党的关系充满了相互之间的不信任,因为他珍视自己对作为独立派的同情者的有争议立场的批评权。萨特在充满法西斯主义的时期最热情地揭露了他们的无能和同谋,他认为这是新法西斯主义拒绝将阿尔及利亚非殖民化。

著录项

  • 作者

    Hernandez-Laroche, Araceli.;

  • 作者单位

    University of California, Berkeley.;

  • 授予单位 University of California, Berkeley.;
  • 学科 Literature Romance.;Philosophy.;History European.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2009
  • 页码 201 p.
  • 总页数 201
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号