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Civilian Autonomy and Resilience in the Midst of Armed Conflict.

机译:武装冲突中的平民自治与弹性。

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摘要

In situations of armed violence and insecurity, how do civilians influence the political environment around them? In this dissertation, I present three different studies that broadly engage this question. In concert, the papers presented herein offer new insights on civilians' relationship to armed conflict through a focus on victimization, participation, attitudes on resistance, and the effects of civilian resistance on aggregate levels of violence.;The first study explores the effects of victimization on political participation. I argue that previous answers to this question have overlooked a key variable for predicting civilian behavior: individual level social context. As a step forward in connecting social support networks to behavioral outcomes, I present the kinship network as a novel measure that captures an individual's valuable and private social interactions. I find that survivors of criminal violence with strong ties to kinship networks are most likely to attend political meetings. By highlighting variation in behavior across victims, I challenge previous work which only examines differences in participation between victims and non-victims.;Motivated by the assumption that attitudes are a precursor to action, my second study examines civilian attitudes on the efficacy of resistance in regions of protracted violence. Using an original survey fielded in Mexico, I explore the conditions under which civilians are likely to view nonviolent or violent methods as useful tools for change. I first test whether several demographic factors--age, gender, income, knowledge about civil resistance, and media consumption--influence attitudes toward resistance. Moving beyond these variables, I then test whether perceptions about government responsibility affect these attitudes. Specifically, I argue that civilian attitudes towards resistance methods are informed by which political actor civilians view as responsible for their security problems. I find that the predicted probability of viewing nonviolent action as more effective than violent action increases by 20.8% for those who attribute security responsibility to local authorities, compared to other actors. Using an embedded survey experiment, I then address the empirically relevant question of whether these attitudes about resistance correlate with action. I find that compared to those who do not view resistance as useful, respondents who view nonviolence as effective are "supportive types'' who are more willing than others to support local resistance groups, regardless of the methods these groups employ. Together, these analyses provide important information for civilian organizers seeking to mobilize latent support for resistance. Moreover, they enrich our understanding of the ways in which communities can reduce violence in order to reclaim political control during armed conflicts.;Last, I present an aggregated analysis on the evolution of armed conflict in Mexico. The criminal war in Mexico is extremely complex: Drug Trafficking Organizations, citizens, government agents, amongst others, are all relevant actors within the dynamic evolution of the conflict. Existing research, however, typically ignores the interdependencies inherent to these networks. Using a new collection of machine-coded event data, I generate conflict networks for each year from 2004 to 2010. In doing so, I make three major contributions. First, I offer insights into the potential promise and pitfalls of using machine-coded data for country-level analysis. Next, after cleaning and improving upon the original data, I generate yearly networks, which capture a wide range of violent-related actors. Importantly, I demonstrate how these networks illustrate the interdependent nature of the Mexican conflict and present new insights, such as how government coordination changes in response to cartel violence over time. Finally, I use a latent space approach to identify previously unobservable violence between government actors, criminal groups, and civilians. This research design serves as a platform for future research to investigate the effects of major civilian-led events---such as mass protests---on the evolution of armed conflict.
机译:在武装暴力和不安全局势下,平民如何影响周围的政治环境?在这篇论文中,我提出了三种不同的研究,广泛地涉及了这个问题。一致地,本文介绍的论文通过关注受害,参与,对抵抗的态度以及平民抵抗对暴力总水平的影响,为平民与武装冲突的关系提供了新的见解;第一项研究探讨了受害的影响政治参与。我认为,以前对该问题的回答忽略了预测平民行为的关键变量:个人层面的社会背景。为了将社会支持网络与行为结果联系起来,我迈出了亲戚关系网络的新举措,它抓住了个人的宝贵和私人的社会互动。我发现与亲属关系密切相关的刑事暴力幸存者最有可能参加政治会议。通过强调受害人行为的差异,我挑战了以前的工作,该工作仅考察了受害人和非受害人在参与方面的差异。基于假设态度是采取行动的先驱动机,我的第二项研究考察了平民态度对抵抗力的影响。持续暴力地区。我使用在墨西哥进行的原始调查,探索了在何种情况下平民可能将非暴力或暴力方法视为改变的有用工具。我首先测试几个人口统计学因素(年龄,性别,收入,对公民抵抗的知识和媒体消费)是否影响人们对抵抗的态度。除了这些变量之外,我还将测试对政府责任的看法是否会影响这些态度。具体而言,我认为,平民对抵抗方法的态度是由哪个政治行为者平民认为对其安全问题负责的情况所依据的。我发现,将安全责任归于地方政府的人与其他行为者相比,认为非暴力行动比暴力行动更有效的预测概率增加了20.8%。然后,我使用嵌入式调查实验来解决与经验相关的问题,即这些关于抵抗的态度是否与行动相关。我发现,与那些不认为抵抗有效的人相比,认为非暴力有效的被调查者是“支持类型”,他们比其他人更愿意支持当地的抵抗团体,而不论这些团体采用何种方法。为寻求动员潜在抵抗力量的民间组织者提供重要信息,此外,他们丰富了我们对社区减少暴力以在武装冲突中重新获得政治控制的方式的理解;最后,我对演变进行了汇总分析墨西哥的刑事战争极为复杂:贩毒组织,公民,政府人员等都是冲突动态演变过程中的所有相关角色,但是现有研究通常忽略了内在的相互依存关系这些网络。使用新收集的机器编码事件数据,我生成了冲突网络为2004年至2010年期间的每一年。为此,我做出了三项主要贡献。首先,我对使用机器编码的数据进行国家级分析的潜在前景和陷阱提供了见解。接下来,在清理和改进原始数据之后,我会生成年度网络,该网络会捕获与暴力相关的各种行为者。重要的是,我展示了这些网络如何说明墨西哥冲突的相互依存性质,并提出了新的见解,例如政府协调随着时间的推移对卡特尔暴力行为的反应而发生了变化。最后,我使用潜伏空间方法来识别政府行为者,犯罪集团和平民之间以前无法观察到的暴力。该研究设计为将来的研究提供了一个平台,以调查由平民主导的重大事件(例如大规模抗议活动)对武装冲突演变的影响。

著录项

  • 作者

    Dorff, Cassy L.;

  • 作者单位

    Duke University.;

  • 授予单位 Duke University.;
  • 学科 Political science.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2015
  • 页码 173 p.
  • 总页数 173
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:52:28

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