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The politics of potential: The relations of the People's Republic of China and the European Community and its member-states France and Great Britain, 1969-1979.

机译:潜在政治:中华人民共和国与欧洲共同体及其成员国法国和英国的关系,1969-1979年。

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摘要

This dissertation examines a decade of interaction between the People's Republic of China and the European Community, two regional centers which share a geopolitical reality that Soviet deployments serve to emphasize. With independent nuclear capabilities, formidable conventional power and economic complementarity that combine to suggest the "politics of potential," contempory Sino-West European relations are too compelling to dismiss on the failed aspirations of the 1970's. In view of the credibility that a McKinderesque view of Soviet hegemony still holds for scholar-practitioners such as Henry Kissinger, James Schlesinger, and Zbigniew Brzezinski, the politics of the Eurasian triangle is a major American security concern.;The 1970's witnessed a loosening of the international system that prompted much academic speculation about the transition from "blurred bipolarity" to "emerging multipolarity," with particular reference to the enlarged Community and the re-emergence of China. By proposing parallel programs for European Security and Cooperation and Asian Collective Security, the Kremlin gave notice that it would reject multipolarity in favor of a Soviet-dominated transcontinental status quo. Rejecting any accommodation to Soviet power, the Chinese instead entered the European debate. Articulating a counter-mobilization campaign around the Theory of the Three Worlds, which placed Europe at the center of superpower confrontation, Beijing became a strong advocate of West European integration against the Soviet peace program dedicated to the institutionalization of pan-European integration.;Sino-West European relations stalled, however, over the incompatability of their regional strategies, mutual suspicion and fear of provoking a Soviet reaction. They settled into a distant parallelism, characterized by detachment and more closely attuned to the Chinese concept of a united front than to the western balance of power strategy. Nonetheless, their limited interaction confounded the Soviet strategy of selective detente and bilateralism.;This dissertation is a historical analysis drawing on the limited secondary sources on Sino-West European relations, the extensive literature on the Sino-Soviet dispute and Soviet-West European relations, and a broad range of primary sources, including interviews in Beijing, Brussels, Paris and London.;This thesis contributes to the growing scholarship on regionalism and globalism, generally explored from the vantage of intra-alliance relations.
机译:本论文考察了中华人民共和国与欧洲共同体之间十年的互动关系,这两个区域中心具有共同的地缘政治现实,苏联的部署应强调这一现实。具有独立的核能力,强大的常规力量和经济互补性相结合,暗示了“潜在的政治”,同时代的中西关系太过令人信服,无法因1970年代的失败愿望而被推翻。鉴于麦克金德式的苏联霸权主义观点仍然对亨利·基辛格(Henry Kissinger),詹姆斯·施莱辛格(James Schlesinger)和兹比格涅夫·布热津斯基(Zbigniew Brzezinski)等学者从业者仍然具有信誉,因此欧亚三角洲的政治是美国主要的安全关切;这一国际制度引发了许多学术界的猜测,即从“模糊的两极分化”过渡到“新兴的多极化”,特别是涉及扩大的共同体和中国的重新崛起。克里姆林宫通过提出针对欧洲安全与合作和亚洲集体安全的并行计划,发出通知,表示它将拒绝多极化,转而支持以苏联为主的跨大陆现状。中国拒绝给予苏联权力任何让步,反而参加了欧洲辩论。北京围绕三个世界的理论发动了一场反动员运动,使欧洲成为超级大国对抗的中心。北京坚决主张西欧一体化,反对致力于泛欧一体化制度化的苏联和平计划。 -西欧关系因其地区战略不兼容,相互怀疑和担心引起苏联反应而陷入僵局。他们陷入了遥不可及的平行状态,其特点是超然分离,与中国统一战线的概念相比,与西方力量平衡战略的关系更为紧密。尽管如此,他们之间有限的互动却混淆了苏联的选择性制止和双边主义策略。本文是对中西关系次要来源有限,有关中苏争端和苏西关系的大量文献进行的历史分析。以及广泛的主要资料来源,包括在北京,布鲁塞尔,巴黎和伦敦的采访。;本论文有助于发展关于区域主义和全球主义的学术,这通常是从联盟内部关系的优势出发进行探讨的。

著录项

  • 作者

    Ebinger, Putnam Mundy.;

  • 作者单位

    Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy (Tufts University).;

  • 授予单位 Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy (Tufts University).;
  • 学科 Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1988
  • 页码 483 p.
  • 总页数 483
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 国际法;
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:50:50

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