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Chinese democracy: How elite thinking on China's development and change influences Chinese practice of democracy (1839--the current time).

机译:中国民主:关于中国发展与变化的精英思想如何影响中国的民主实践(1839年至今)。

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摘要

Will China become a multiparty democracy? This is the research problem of this dissertation. My hypothesis is this: the greater the extent that Chinese elite thinking on development and change reconciles the tension between Chinese nationalism and collectivist, family-like ethics on the one hand, and the western democratic ideals based on each self-seeking individual's subjectivity on the other hand, the greater the chance that China's political development will lead to a multiparty democracy. The dissertation includes two parts: Chapters two to five are historical analyses, and chapters six to eight are the interviews. It is my assumption that Chinese elite thinking on China's development and change has been influencing the Chinese practice of democracy since the Opium War (1839-1842), and will continue to have great impacts upon the Chinese pursuit of democracy in the next 20 years. I use chapters two to five of my dissertation, the historical analyses, to demonstrate the causal relationship between Chinese elite thinking on the development and change of Chinese society on the one hand, and Chinese historical practice of democracy (from 1839 till the current time, including "Leninist democracy") on the other hand, the former being the independent variable and the latter being the dependent variable. The method used in chapters two to five is historiography, I develop my causal analysis based on extensive reading of historians' and social scientists' works. And then I use chapters six to eight of my dissertation , the interviews, as the most current information that reveals Chinese social trends toward the next 20 years, and make an assessment of whether, in the next 20 years (2004-2024), China will become a western style, multiparty democracy---and if the answer is yes, what that democracy will look like.;For example, one could argue that such a democracy will be a combination of western democracy (based on the value of individualism) and Chinese culture (based on the value of collectivism). My judgment is based on chapters two to five, the historical analyses of the long-term trend, and chapters six to eight, the information gained from the interviewees. The method used in chapters six to eight is face to face, in-depth interviews. The interviewees come from the four elite groups in the current Chinese society: government officials, the enterprise people, media professionals, and intellectuals. The interview question does not directly ask question about democracy; rather, it asks the interviewee's personal opinions about "the positive or negative factors that have been driving or limiting the development and change of X city (in the context of development and change of Chinese society since 1839), carrying it toward the next 20 years." So the interviewees do not directly talk about democracy---they just express their views on positive and negative factors that might influence the development and change of the city that they are in. Because in urban development one can best experience the tension between traditional values and modern values, the development and change of a city (in the context of the development and change of Chinese society since 1839) and how people deal with it in their thinking should reveal information about the social trends.;The major findings are these: 55.5% of the interviewees are pro-democracy; 22.2% of them are not pro-democracy; 16.6% of them are not concerned about the issue of democracy in China; and 5.5% of them are uncertain. I have found substantial evidence of favorable prospects for democracy. So my conclusion is: China has favorable prospects for becoming a multiparty democracy; any democratic system that emerges likely will be a Confucian democracy (communal or social democracy); the Chinese culture will become a combination of liberalism and Confucianism; the balance of traditional elements (Confucianism) and modern elements (liberalism) will depend on each individual's free will and free choice; the process of democratization will start with the intellectuals, and then spread to the whole nation. Finally, this democratization process will likely happen in the next 20 years (2004 to 2024), based on responses from the person I interviewed.
机译:中国会成为多党民主国家吗?这是本论文的研究问题。我的假设是:中国精英关于发展与变化的思想在更大程度上调和了中国民族主义与集体主义之间的张力,一方面是家庭式伦理,另一方面是基于每个自我寻求者的主观性的西方民主理想。另一方面,中国政治发展导致多党制民主的机会越大。本文分为两个部分:第二章至第五章是历史分析,第六章至第八章是访谈。我认为,自鸦片战争(1839-1842年)以来,中国精英对中国发展和变革的思想一直在影响着中国的民主实践,并将在未来20年继续对中国的民主追求产生巨大影响。我在论文的第二至第五章中对历史进行了分析,论证了一方面中国精英关于中国社会发展和变革的思想与中国民主历史实践(从1839年至今)之间的因果关系。包括“列宁主义民主”),前者是自变量,后者是因变量。在第二到第五章中使用的方法是史学,我在广泛阅读历史学家和社会科学家的著作的基础上发展了因果分析。然后,我将论文的第六章至第八章(访谈)用作揭示中国未来20年社会趋势的最新信息,并评估在未来20年(2004-2024年)中国是否将成为一种西方风格的多党民主制-如果答案是肯定的,民主制将会是什么样子;例如,有人可能会说这样的民主制将是西方民主制的结合(基于个人主义的价值) )和中国文化(基于集体主义的价值)。我的判断基于第二至第五章(对长期趋势的历史分析)以及第六至第八章(从受访者那里获得的信息)。第六章至第八章中使用的方法是面对面的深入访谈。受访者来自当前中国社会的四个精英群体:政府官员,企业人士,媒体专业人员和知识分子。面试问题并不直接问有关民主的问题;相反,它询问被访者的个人看法是:“在推动或限制X城市发展和变化的积极或消极因素(自1839年以来在中国社会的发展和变化的背景下),将其带入未来20年。”因此,受访者不会直接谈论民主-他们只是对可能影响其所在城市的发展和变化的积极和消极因素发表看法。因为在城市发展中,人们可以最好地体验传统价值观之间的张力和现代价值观,城市的发展和变化(在1839年以来的中国社会发展和变化的背景下)以及人们如何思考的方式应该揭示有关社会趋势的信息。主要发现是: 55.5%的被访者是民主人士; 22.2%的人不民主。 16.6%的人不关心中国的民主问题;其中5.5%不确定。我已找到大量证据证明民主前景良好。因此,我的结论是:中国拥有成为多党民主国家的良好前景。任何可能出现的民主制度都是儒家民主(社区或社会民主);中国文化将成为自由主义和儒家思想的结合。传统元素(儒家思想)和现代元素(自由主义)之间的平衡将取决于每个人的自由意志和自由选择;民主化的过程将从知识分子开始,然后传播到整个国家。最后,根据我采访的人的回答,这种民主化进程很可能会在未来20年(2004年至2024年)发生。

著录项

  • 作者

    Lu, Rey-ching.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Denver.;

  • 授予单位 University of Denver.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.;Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2009
  • 页码 298 p.
  • 总页数 298
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;国际法;
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:37:42

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