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Bilateral investment treaties: Consequences on human rights and labor protection and determinants of ratification.

机译:双边投资条约:人权和劳动保护的后果以及批准的决定因素。

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摘要

This dissertation explores the domestic ratification process of bilateral investment treaties (BITs), and how these treaties and the asymmetric rights afforded by these treaties to investors impact human rights conditions and labor practices in developing countries. Chapter 2 investigates the domestic ratification process of BITs. It is puzzling that signed BITs take a long time to get ratified in some countries while they are ratified promptly in others. I model domestic ratification as a dynamic process of updating the costs and benefits of BITs after the signature. I argue that states update their assessment of the costs of BITs after signing by observing BIT claims against themselves as well as peer countries. Those claims delay ratification of BITs. In addition, host states are more likely to ratify BITs if ratification activity among their economic competitors is intense. Rapid ratification rates in countries that are economic competitors has the potential to increase fears of missed investment opportunities due to investment diversion, make domestic groups lean more favorably towards ratification and thus shorten the time between signing and ratifying BITs. Using all signed BITs as of 2007 and a BIT-year framework that allows to capture changing conditions after the signing stage, I find strong evidence for the arguments though the impact of BIT claims against states themselves is relatively weak, among others.;Chapter 3 systematically theorizes and rigorously tests the effect of BITs on human rights practices of signatory countries. I argue that BITs have the potential to worsen human rights practices because they lock in initial conditions attractive to investors, both retrospectively and into the future. These conditions may include low standards for environmental protection or labor rights and tied hands with respect to provision of welfare benefits, basic infrastructure, investment in environmentally friendly technologies or land reform. The combined lock-in and constraining effects of BITs are sources of popular grievance and dissent in states that host foreign investment. Repression and human rights violations are key responses of states to the manifested or just anticipated protest and dissent that can result from such grievances. Furthermore, I argue that democracies have higher accountability and a lower threat perception for dissent, mitigating the negative effect of BITs. Using data on 113 developing countries between 1981 to 2009, I find support for my hypotheses.;The last chapter examines the impact of BITs on collective labor rights that captures the freedom of association and collective bargaining rights and differentiates labor laws from the labor practices on the ground. I argue that BITs have little impact on collective labor laws while they worsen labor practices and widen the gap between labor laws and practices. Since foreign investors prefer to maintain the status quo level of regulations in capital-hosting states, BITs tend to stabilize labor laws. However, BITs are able to lock in initial low labor standards that are attractive to foreign investors, which may be a potential source of labor grievance and labor unrest. Also multinational corporations are found to be inviting targets for labor unrest. Given that all this anticipated or manifested labor unrest is likely to be challenged by foreign investors under stringent investment protective treaty clauses, host governments are forced to take measures to undermine the collective action capability of domestic labor groups, and reduce the risk of labor unrest. I argue that host governments may choose to undercut collective labor practices, resulting in a worsening of labor practices and a larger gap between labor laws and practices. Evidence from 120 developing countries from 1985 to 2002 supports my hypotheses.
机译:本文探讨了双边投资条约在国内的批准过程,以及这些条约以及这些条约赋予投资者的不对称权利如何影响发展中国家的人权状况和劳工惯例。第2章研究了国内BIT的批准过程。令人困惑的是,已签署的双边投资条约在某些国家需要很长时间才能获得批准,而在另一些国家则需要迅速得到批准。我将国内批准建模为签字后更新BIT成本和收益的动态过程。我认为,各州在签署协议后应遵守对本国及对等国家的BIT主张,以更新其对BIT成本的评估。这些要求推迟了对双边投资条约的批准。此外,如果东道国的经济竞争者之间的批准活动很激烈,则它们更有可能批准BIT。经济竞争国家的快速批准率可能增加因投资转移而错过投资机会的担忧,使国内集团更倾向于批准,从而缩短签署和批准BIT之间的时间。使用2007年以来所有已签署的BIT以及允许在签署阶段之后捕获变化的条件的BIT年框架,尽管BIT主张对国家本身的影响相对较弱,但我发现了有力的论据;第3章系统地理论化并严格测试双边投资条约对签署国人权做法的影响。我认为,双边投资协定有可能恶化人权做法,因为它们锁定了对投资者有吸引力的初始条件,无论是追溯性的还是未来的。这些条件可能包括环境保护或劳工权利的标准较低,以及在提供福利,基础设施,对环保技术的投资或土地改革方面的束缚。在接受外国投资的国家中,双边投资协定的锁定和约束作用共同引起了民众的不满和反对。压迫和侵犯人权是国家对这种不满情绪可能导致的明显或即将发生的抗议和异议的重要回应。此外,我认为民主政体对异议的责任感更高,对威胁的威胁感也较低,从而减轻了BIT的负面影响。我使用1981年至2009年间113个发展中国家的数据,为我的假设提供了支持。上一章研究了BIT对集体劳工权利的影响,该权利捕捉了结社自由和集体谈判权,并将劳动法与地面。我认为,双边投资协定对集体劳动法几乎没有影响,但会恶化劳动惯例并扩大劳动法律与惯例之间的差距。由于外国投资者喜欢在资本托管国维持法规的现状,BITs趋于稳定劳动法。但是,双边投资条约能够锁定对外国投资者有吸引力的最初较低的劳工标准,这可能是劳工不满和劳工动荡的潜在来源。还发现跨国公司是劳工动荡的诱人对象。鉴于所有这些预期或表现出的劳工动乱很可能会受到外国投资者根据严格的投资保护条约条款的挑战,东道国政府被迫采取措施破坏国内劳工群体的集体行动能力,并降低劳工动乱的风险。我认为,东道国政府可能选择削弱集体劳动惯例,从而导致劳动惯例恶化,劳动法律与惯例之间的差距更大。 1985年至2002年来自120个发展中国家的证据支持了我的假设。

著录项

  • 作者

    Ye, Fangjin.;

  • 作者单位

    Michigan State University.;

  • 授予单位 Michigan State University.;
  • 学科 Political science.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2016
  • 页码 147 p.
  • 总页数 147
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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