首页> 外文学位 >Conflicting choices: Why Titoism in Yugoslavia but not in China (The Truman Administration's policy in China and Yugoslavia through 1949).
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Conflicting choices: Why Titoism in Yugoslavia but not in China (The Truman Administration's policy in China and Yugoslavia through 1949).

机译:矛盾的选择:为什么在南斯拉夫而不是在中国出现铁托主义(杜鲁门政府在1949年之前在中国和南斯拉夫的政策)。

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摘要

A predominant ingredient in American foreign policy for half of the Twentieth Century was the containment of Communism, personified by the Soviet Union's acquisition and control of adjacent lands. This challenge took visible and intimidating shape as World War Two ended and the Truman Administration began. In retrospect, it is possible to accord the Presidency of Harry S. Truman recognition for a vigorous, intelligent and basically successful foreign policy—in Europe, if not in most of Asia. Explanations for this dichotomy become evident in a study of the process and difficulties of the Truman Administration's efforts in China and Yugoslavia.; In its initial confrontation with the relatively unfamiliar Balkan nation, the Administration had to deal with its rapid metamorphosis from a presumptive ally into an aggressively hostile Communist dictatorship presumably ensconced in the Communist Bloc. The ruler propelling these changes, Joseph Broz Tito, had successfully eliminated all royal and democratic opposition and was not only solidifying his hold on his newly created Federal Peoples' Republic of Yugoslavia [FPRY], but was also attempting to extend his borders into Italian and Austrian territory. When Tito's hubris activated his unique expulsion from the Communist satellite system in 1948, however, his subsequent need for survival allowed Acheson's State Department to formulate a tentative détente which successfully protected the FPRY`s “non-aligned” position.; In contrast, the United State long involvement in China had endowed Washington with an ample source of knowledgeable and concerned diplomatic personnel for that area, but—also a highly evolved amalgamation of powerful vested interests devoted to the protection of Chiang Kai-shek's Guomindang's [GMD]. Chiang's moribund government had proved incapable of revitalization despite enormous quantities of American economic and military aid. Nevertheless, powerful American proponents, waving the banner of anti-Communism, insisted on Washington's support for its continued existence against its vigorous and increasingly successful Communist rival. As a result, the Truman Administration's attempts to stabilize the turmoil in China were disabled by a perpetual bombardment of financial, political, personal and international demands—and somewhere in this maelstrom the ability to pursue an effective China policy was lost.
机译:在二十世纪上半叶,美国外交政策的主要组成部分是共产主义的遏制,这是苏联对相邻土地的收购和控制所代表的。随着第二次世界大战的结束和杜鲁门政府的成立,这一挑战变得显而易见而令人生畏。回顾过去,有可能使哈里·杜鲁门(Harry S. Truman)总统获得强有力的,有才智的,并且基本上成功的外交政策的认可-在欧洲,即使在亚洲大部分地区也是如此。在研究杜鲁门政府在中国和南斯拉夫的努力的过程和困难时,这种二分法的解释变得显而易见。在与相对不熟悉的巴尔干国家进行最初的对抗时,政府不得不应对其迅速的蜕变,从一个假定的盟友转变为一个可能在共产党集团中陷的激进的敌对共产党专政。推动这些变化的统治者约瑟夫·布罗兹·铁托(Joseph Broz Tito)成功消除了所有皇室和民主反对派,不仅巩固了他对新成立的南斯拉夫联邦人民共和国[FPRY]的控制,而且还试图将其边界扩大到意大利和奥地利领土。然而,当铁托的狂妄自大于1948年将他的独特驱逐出共产主义卫星系统时,他随后的生存需求使阿奇森的国务院制定了暂定缓和措施,成功地保护了FPRY的“不结盟”地位。相比之下,美国长期介入中国为华盛顿提供了丰富的知识和相关外交人员资源,但是-强大的既得利益集团的高度融合也致力于保护蒋介石的国民党[GMD] ]。尽管美国提供了大量的经济和军事援助,蒋的垂死政府已被证明无法振兴。然而,强大的美国拥护者挥舞反共主义的旗帜,坚持要求华盛顿支持其继续朝着强大而日益成功的共产党对手前进。结果,杜鲁门政府为稳定中国的动荡而进行的努力遭到了对金融,政治,个人和国际需求的持续轰炸,从而丧失了执行有效的中国政策的能力。

著录项

  • 作者

    Christian, Vilma.;

  • 作者单位

    Rutgers The State University of New Jersey - New Brunswick.;

  • 授予单位 Rutgers The State University of New Jersey - New Brunswick.;
  • 学科 History United States.; Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1999
  • 页码 572 p.
  • 总页数 572
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 美洲史;国际法;
  • 关键词

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