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Judas exposed: Labor spies in the United States.

机译:犹大暴露:美国的劳工间谍。

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摘要

This dissertation examines the phenomenon of labor espionage from the mid-nineteenth century through the 1930s. Trade unionists coined the term to describe the use of undercover agents posing as workers to collect information for employers about their employees' opinions and activities. Labor spies sometimes identified union supporters and blocked organizing drives; other spies functioned more like surrogate supervisors checking on job performance.;I explore the origins of labor espionage in "spotting," undercover surveillance of railway workers by private detectives to catch theft. I argue that spotting began as a management technology to cope with large dispersed railway workforces, but managers soon saw that secret agents could also monitor workers' behavior and subvert collective action. Rail workers' unions were hamstrung by shame over worker theft and unable to exploit public sympathy to limit employers' use of undercover agents. Next, I examine the difficulties encountered by the American Federation of Hosiery Workers when they tried to systematically counter labor spies in their industry and find that the Hosiery Workers' campaign showed that no union could effectively counter labor spies, and that the union was further hampered by its inability to acknowledge that many spies came from its own ranks. Finally, I compare labor spies to Communists as undercover agents deploying similar strategies in attempts to infiltrate American unions. Unionists developed narratives of infiltration to denounce both labor spies and Communists but deployed them to different ends in the 1930s; progressives used the labor spy narrative to lobby for federal oversight of labor relations, and conservatives used the Communist narrative to attach progressives and fight expanded federal authority. Labor conservatives helped drive early American anticommunism and the rise of McCarthyism.;Trade unionists and historians have avoided a critical fact about labor espionage, that workers performed most secret surveillance. Labor espionage should be seen not just as a management tool, but as a manifestation of worker antiunionism. Rather than asking how labor espionage impaired the growth of American unions, we should ask why some workers chose to subvert collective action, and integrate worker antiunionism into our understanding of American working-class formation.
机译:本文考察了从19世纪中叶到1930年代的劳动间谍现象。工会主义者创造了该术语,以描述使用冒充工人的秘密特工为雇主收集有关其雇员的意见和活动的信息。劳工间谍有时会确定工会的支持者并阻止组织活动。其他间谍的功能更像是代理主管检查工作绩效。我探究了“间谍”中劳动间谍活动的起源,“侦探”是秘密侦探监视铁路工人偷窃的秘密。我认为,发现是从一种管理技术开始的,该技术可以应对大量分散的铁路工人,但是管理人员很快发现秘密特工还可以监视工人的行为并破坏集体行动。铁路工人工会因工人盗窃而感到羞耻,无法利用公众的同情来限制雇主对卧底特工的使用。接下来,我考察了美国袜业工人联合会试图系统地对抗其行业中的劳工间谍时遇到的困难,发现袜业工人的竞选活动表明没有工会可以有效地对抗劳工间谍,并且该工会受到了进一步的阻碍由于无法承认许多间谍来自自己的行列。最后,我将劳工间谍与共产主义者进行比较,因为秘密特工正在采取类似策略,试图渗入美国工会。工会主义者发展了渗透的叙述来谴责劳工间谍和共产主义者,但在1930年代将他们部署到不同的目的。进步派利用劳动间谍的叙述游说联邦监督劳动关系,保守派则用共产主义的叙述来联系进步派并与扩大的联邦权力作斗争。劳工保守主义者帮助推动了早期的美国反共主义和麦卡锡主义的兴起。工会主义者和历史学家避免了有关劳动间谍的关键事实,即工人进行了最秘密的监视。劳动间谍活动不仅应被视为一种管理工具,还应被视为工人反工会主义的体现。与其问劳工间谍活动如何损害美国工会的成长,不如问为什么有些工人选择颠覆集体行动,并将工人反工会主义纳入我们对美国工人阶级形成的理解。

著录项

  • 作者

    Luff, Jennifer D.;

  • 作者单位

    The College of William and Mary.;

  • 授予单位 The College of William and Mary.;
  • 学科 History United States.;Sociology Industrial and Labor Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2005
  • 页码 287 p.
  • 总页数 287
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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