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On Earth as It Is in Heaven? The Creation of the Bastide Towns of Southwest France.

机译:在地球上,就像在天堂一样?法国西南部Bastide镇的创建。

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摘要

In southwest France starting in the early thirteenth century, an estimated 500 to 700 new towns were created over the course of about 150 years. These new towns, or "bastides," were most often created on unoccupied lands and took the form of a geometric grid plan that was designed around a central market square ringed with arcades, or couverts. Created for economic trade and settlement purposes, the bastides represent one of the first forays into urban planning on a grid system since late Roman times, especially on such a large scale, and they coincide with new economic and political rights and grants of land laid out in the town charters to attract inhabitants to move to the new communities. Many of the bastides were founded by the kings of France and England, as well as local lords including Count Raymond VII of Toulouse, and were made in cooperation with local landowners who were often Cistercian monasteries or minor nobility. While many studies thus far have focused on the economic and political implications for these charters, which included sales and property taxes that replaced traditional tithing, other scholarship has focused on their geographic placement and their geometric planning. However, few have addressed larger issues of identity formation, the social production of space, visual relationships such as between the market hall and the church, or the impact of the Cathar heresy in the region on the relationship between bastides and ecclesiastic authorities. This dissertation addresses these issues of social context, town design, and architectural form.;The Cathar heresy was initially put down by a crusade called by Innocent III and resulted in the wholesale destruction of many cities in southwest France. The bastides were created partly as a consequence of the devastation in order to fulfill the need for new settlements. Because of this history of heresy, many bastides were built on former Cathar lands and utilized a strong stamp of authority through naming practice and the development of over-large church clocher-porches that dominate the town squares. Other bastides reflect identity and ambition through the appropriation of European city names, most of them Spanish or Italian, many of which were developing new economic and political rights of their own that were allowing them to thrive. These included the Fueros de Valencia and the Liber Paradisus of Bologna, which targeted the merchant class at the expense of the nobility, and the latter did so through the rhetoric of biblical metaphor. Many of the names used by the bastides were Italian communes, which had a tradition of written odes that described the ideal city in language that included the visual description of compact, state homes on organized, broad streets. These reflect the wide straight streets of the bastides and not the narrow, overbuilt urban tangle that was more common in medieval cities.;Though the underlying geometry of bastides is somewhat tenuous, the massive size of some of their squares stands as a marker of their founders' ambition. Metrological investigation shows that they were designed in proportion with the market halls, are often oriented with the cardinal directions, and appear to use mainly the Roman or royal foot length in whole numbers that could be subdivided into an even number of house lots. The churches of the bastides display more pronounced geometry and were also proportional to the town lots; however, they seem divided between those that aligned themselves with the new town grid and those that were built against the grid in order to maintain a strict east-west alignment or to maintain a direct sightline into the square. These churches also display a plain Cistercian-like simplicity in form, a reflection not only of that monastic order but the presence of the mendicants and the latent belief system of the Cathars that rejected materiality. They also use hallmarks of military and ecclesiastic architecture in common with the region's cathedrals. However, many of these elements were not functional, suggesting they were an aesthetic choice. Some, in fact, were added artificially during the nineteenth century in order to celebrate the medieval heritage of France.;I also address how bastides became bearers of meaning, addressing the issue of loose ties to Roman sources and the writings of Vitruvius. I also suggest possible ties to the Heavenly City of Jerusalem through churches that replicate the Holy Sepulchre and the similarity of their form and geometry to Beatus manuscripts depicting the Heavenly Jerusalem in the Book of Revelation. One such manuscript was made for the English monarchy the same decade that the English began founding bastides. However, the bastides also acquired meaning through ceremony, including the ritualistic raising of the pau staff bearing the arms of the founder and another reference to the local bishop riding into the bastide on a white mule. Through this examination of the bastides through their formal, ritualistic, and social context, we get a more holistic understanding of the production of space and meaning, and how such urban spaces were created and used over time.
机译:从13世纪初期开始,法国西南部在大约150年的时间里创建了500至700个新城镇。这些新城镇或“堡垒”通常是在空置土地上创建的,采用几何网格计划的形式,该计划是围绕着一个由拱廊或库维特构成的中央集市广场而设计的。出于经济贸易和定居目的而创建的这些堡垒是自罗马晚期以来,尤其是在如此大规模的情况下,首次在网格系统上进行城市规划的尝试之一,并且与新的经济和政治权利以及已批出的土地相吻合在城镇宪章中吸引居民搬到新社区。许多城堡由法国和英国国王以及包括图卢兹的雷蒙德七世伯爵在内的当地领主建立,并与当地的土地所有者合作建造,这些土地所有者通常是西多会修道院或未成年贵族。尽管到目前为止,许多研究都集中在这些章程的经济和政治意义上,其中包括取代传统什一税的销售税和财产税,但其他奖学金则集中在其地理位置和几何规划上。但是,很少有人解决更大的问题,如身份形成,空间的社会生产,市场大厅与教堂之间的视觉关系,或该地区的卡特尔异端组织对教士与教会权威之间关系的影响。这篇论文解决了社会背景,城镇设计和建筑形式的这些问题。凯撒异端最初是被Innocent III的一次十字军东征推倒的,并导致法国西南部许多城市的全面破坏。为了满足新定居点的需要,部分建造了堡垒。由于这种异端的历史,许多堡垒都建在前卡萨尔邦的土地上,并通过命名实践和发展主导城镇广场的超大教堂钟声廊而利用了强大的权威印记。其他堡垒则通过使用欧洲城市名称(其中大多数是西班牙文或意大利文)来反映身份和野心,其中许多城市正在发展自己的新经济和政治权利,从而使它们得以蓬勃发展。其中包括瓦伦西亚的富埃罗斯(Fueros de Valencia)和博洛尼亚(Bologna)的自由天堂(Liber Paradisus),它们以牺牲贵族为代价来瞄准商人阶层,而后者则是通过圣经隐喻的修辞来实现的。城堡使用的许多名称都是意大利公社,它具有传统的颂歌传统,用语言描述理想的城市,包括在有条理的宽阔街道上视觉化的紧凑型国家房屋的描述。这些反映了城堡的宽阔笔直街道,而不是中世纪城市中更常见的狭窄,过度建造的城市纠缠;尽管城堡的基本几何形状有些微弱,但其某些正方形的巨大尺寸仍是其标志。创始人的野心。计量研究表明,它们的设计与市场大厅成比例,通常以基本方向定向,并且似乎主要使用罗马或皇家英尺长的整数,可以细分为偶数个房屋。堡垒的教堂的几何形状更为明显,并且与城镇地段成正比。但是,为了保持严格的东西向对齐或保持直视视线进入广场,似乎将他们划分为与新城镇网格对齐的建筑物和针对新网格对齐的建筑物。这些教堂在形式上也表现出朴素的西多会风格,这不仅反映了修道院的秩序,而且反映了卡塔尔人的dic悔者和潜在的信仰体系拒绝了物质性。他们还使用与该地区大教堂相同的军事和教会建筑标志。但是,这些元素中的许多元素都不起作用,这表明它们是一种美学选择。实际上,为了庆祝法国的中世纪遗产,其中一些实际上是人为地添加的。我还探讨了如何使野兽成为意义的承载者,解决与罗马文献和维特鲁威的著作之间的联系松散的问题。我还建议通过复制圣墓的教堂与耶路撒冷的天城建立可能的联系,并将其形式和几何结构与《启示录》中描述天堂耶路撒冷的比阿特手稿相似。在英国开始建立城堡的同一年,为英国君主制制了一份这样的手稿。但是,城堡也通过仪式获得了意义包括在仪式上抬高了拥有创始人创始人怀抱的保罗工作人员,以及另一种提及当地主教骑着白色m子骑进监狱的说法。通过对野兽的形式,仪式和社会背景的考察,我们对空间的产生和意义有了更全面的了解,以及随着时间的流逝如何创造和使用这种城市空间。

著录项

  • 作者

    Love, M. Jordan.;

  • 作者单位

    Columbia University.;

  • 授予单位 Columbia University.;
  • 学科 Art History.;Architecture.;Urban and Regional Planning.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2012
  • 页码 327 p.
  • 总页数 327
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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