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The End of the Closed Corral Explaining the Decline of Clientelism in Brazil.

机译:封闭式畜栏的尽头,解释了巴西客户主义的衰落。

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摘要

How do clientelist regimes, where politicians mobilize support through favors and individualized benefits, transition to programmatic ones, where politicians rely on electoral platforms and programmatic policies to sway voters? Clientelism constrains democratic representation and economic growth across the developing world, yet little is known about why clientelist regimes transition to programmatic ones, where politicians seek to garner support through the strength of their policy proposals and ideological commitments. In this dissertation, I draw upon the case of Brazil to develop our understanding of why transitions occur. Brazil offers an excellent case for study as long-dominant political machines recently have given way to a programmatic political system.;I present evidence that clientelism is waning in Brazil. As poverty relief traditionally took the form of handouts from politicians to voters, I pay special attention to new and purportedly technocratic antipoverty programs like Bolsa Familia, a conditional cash transfer program that provides a stipend to impoverished families and reaches a quarter of Brazil's population. My finding that many recent policy innovations in Brazil are programmatic helps explain why clientelist networks are deteriorating: with the utter poverty that once characterized vast swaths of Brazil eradicated, voters considering whether to vote against the local political boss have less to fear from retaliation.;What explains the growth of programmatic policymaking? I hypothesize that the adoption of such policies requires sufficient bureaucratic capacity. Bureaucratic capacity describes the ability of the civil service to implement programmatic policies according to technocratic (rather than political) criteria. This capacity makes politicians' claims that they will enact these programs more credible. I use a multifaceted approach to test for the importance of bureaucratic capacity. I begin by tracing the historical relationship between civil service professionalization and policymaking in Brazil from 1930 to the present. Early attempts at reform generally were overwhelmed by demands for clientelist resources. Brazil's military, which had adopted a Weberian administrative ethos during the period of "new professionalism" following World War II, was aghast at the venality, corruption, and clientelism that characterized Brazil's political system and civil service. After the 1964 coup, Brazil's military rulers expanded the role of technocratic ministries and agencies. These agencies were insulated from (clientelist) politics and handled economic management while social policies remained oriented towards patronage and clientelism. Future democratically-elected leaders could draw on this technocratic capacity should they choose to enact programmatic social policies.;I provide micro-level evidence that bureaucratic capacity can encourage programmatic voting. A novel measure of programmatic voting links municipal-level bureaucratic capacity to electoral support for programmatic policymaking. Voters from municipalities with high levels of bureaucratic capacity were more likely to engage in programmatic voting. I developed a survey to investigate whether bureaucratic capacity affects the credibility of campaign promises and voters' willingness to support a programmatic candidate. This survey uses experimental vignettes to manipulate voters' perception of capacity. Higher levels of bureaucratic capacity increase voters' willingness to support programmatic candidates.;This research offers important contributions with relevance across the developing world. As clientelism subverts the democratic process, this dissertation reveals how polities can attain superior forms of democratic representation. In addition, since programmatic systems provide higher levels of public goods, they also foster democratic consolidation because voters are more likely to associate economic gains with democracy. Finally, by highlighting the importance of bureaucratic capacity, this dissertation has practical policy implications for other political systems that find themselves burdened by clientelist politics.
机译:客户主义者政权如何通过政客通过恩惠和个性化福利来动员支持的政权,过渡到计划政权,而政客则依靠选举平台和纲领性政策来影响选民呢?客户主义限制了发展中国家的民主代表和经济增长,但对于为什么客户主义者政权过渡到计划性政权知之甚少,在这种情况下,政治家寻求通过其政策建议和意识形态承诺的力量来获得支持。在这篇论文中,我将借鉴巴西的案例,以加深我们对为何发生过渡的理解。由于长期主导的政治机器最近已被程序化的政治体制所取代,巴西为研究提供了一个很好的案例。;我提供的证据表明,巴西的客户主义正在减弱。传统上,扶贫采取从政客向选民发放救济品的形式,因此我特别关注所谓的新技术专制的反贫困计划,例如Bolsa Familia,这是一项有条件的现金转移计划,可向贫困家庭提供助学金,并覆盖巴西四分之一的人口。我的发现是,巴西最近的许多政策创新都是程序性的,这可以解释为什么客户群网络正在恶化:随着彻底消除了巴西大片土地的极端贫困,选民考虑是否对当地政治老板进行投票的恐惧感越来越小。是什么解释了计划性政策制定的增长?我假设采取这种政策需要足够的官僚能力。官僚能力描述了公务员根据技术官僚(而非政治)标准实施计划政策的能力。这种能力使政客们声称将制定这些计划更加可信。我使用多方面的方法来测试官僚能力的重要性。首先,我将追溯1930年至今巴西公务员专业化与决策之间的历史关系。客户需求资源的需求通常使早期的改革尝试不知所措。在第二次世界大战后的“新专业主义”时期,巴西军方采取了韦伯式的行政管理精神,但对巴西政治体系和公务员制度所具有的活力,腐败和客户主义感到震惊。 1964年政变后,巴西的军事统治者扩大了技术官僚部门和机构的作用。这些机构与(客户主义者)政治隔离,并进行经济管理,而社会政策仍然以光顾和客户服务为导向。如果未来的民选领导人选择制定程序化社会政策,他们可以利用这种技术官僚能力。我提供了微观证据,表明官僚能力可以鼓励程序性投票。一种新的方案性投票方法将市政级别的官僚能力与选举支持方案性决策联系起来。具有高官僚能力的市政当局的选民更有可能参与程序性投票。我进行了一项调查,以调查官僚能力是否会影响竞选承诺的可信度以及选民支持计划性候选人的意愿。这项调查使用实验性小插曲来操纵选民的能力感知。较高的官僚能力提高了选民支持计划候选人的意愿。该研究为发展中国家提供了重要的贡献。当客户主义颠覆了民主进程时,本文揭示了政体如何获得民主代表制的高级形式。此外,由于程序化系统提供了更高水平的公共物品,它们还促进了民主巩固,因为选民更有可能将经济收益与民主联系起来。最后,通过强调官僚机构能力的重要性,本论文对发现自己受到客户政治影响的其他政治制度具有实际的政策含义。

著录项

  • 作者

    Fried, Brian J.;

  • 作者单位

    Yale University.;

  • 授予单位 Yale University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.;Sociology General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2013
  • 页码 209 p.
  • 总页数 209
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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