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The social dimensions of computerization

机译:计算机化的社会层面

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摘要

While industrialized countries have been rapidly computerizing, the ultimate forms of computerization and their social consequences are still somewhat open-ended. The general directions of equipment developments have been relatively clear - toward computer-based systems which run on faster, smaller, and cheaper hardware; toward equipment architectures which distribute computing (and work); and software which is generally more flexible and more likely to support graceful interactions between person and machine. Computerization is more than placing computing equipment in offices, homes, boats, planes, automobiles, or shopping areas. Computerization refers to the social practices through which computer-based systems and services are made available to various groups, arrangements for training people in the variety of skills they need to use systems effectively, practices that alter accountability, changes in patterns of control, etc. Computerization is a combination of technical, social and political processes [12].

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Computerization touches the lives of millions of people in many key spheres of work, education, commerce, dealing with public agencies, etc. It is tempting to find some simple formula to summarize the consequences of computerization for people, groups, and the larger social order. Simple capsule formulas which concisely summarize a meaning for computerization tend to be deterministic and grossly oversimplified [11]. Our most reliable knowledge about the specific social consequences of computerization comes from careful field studies of specific computer-based systems in specific social settings [10]. There are a myriad of systems and settings and varied computerization practices employed throughout the industrialized nations. Moreover, analysts bring their own differing theoretical assumptions to their studies [6, 10, 22]. Consequently, the findings of research studies sometimes appear inconsistent [1, 10, 19, 21]. There are serious debates about whether computerization will naturally lead to better or worse jobs [4, 7, 8, 17, 23, 24], lead people to make better or worse decisions [20], lead work groups to be more or less flexible [17], reinforce or redistribute patterns of social power [3], make bureacracies less accountable to the public [2], etc.

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Much of the popular and professional discourse about the consequences and conditions of computer use is relatively deterministic. Deterministic stories can be optimistic [5] or pessimistic [7, 23]. During the last decade scholars have begun to develop some interesting explanatory models to help understand how computerization &ldquoworks"" as a social and technical process. Research on the social impacts of computing indicates that few "deterministic" consequences of introducing computer-based systems into social settings such as organizations [12, 18, 20, 25]. Under different conditions and different computerization strategies, jobs may become more or less skilled; work groups may gain or lose flexibility; decisions may be "better" or more confused; power may shift to or from central administrators, etc. Changes such as these depend upon both social and technical contingencies, such as: the kinds of systems introduced, who controls them, the kind of infrastructure devoted to their support, etc [17]. Computer-based systems which can be perfectable under static laboratory conditions and when supported by a rich array of resources may be very problematic when introduced into dynamic social settings, settings rife with social conflict, or when computerization strategies limit support resources. Contextual characteristics, such as these, are a powerful influence on the kinds of computer-based systems adopted, the ways they are organized, and their consequences for people and groups. As a consequence, the simple development of "good technologies" is not sufficient to insure that social life will be improved for many participants.

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This talk will examine some organizing ideas to help understand how computerization strategies and their outcomes depend upon the social contexts in which people sad groups enact them by introducing web models [14,18]. Web models examine the social context in which a computer-based system is adopted, developed, or used; they view the infrastructure for supporting a computer-based system as an integral element of its operational form; and they situate the computing developments being studies in light of the history of related computing developments and related social practices within key social settings. The examples for this talk will be drawn primarily from the computerization of workplaces.

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Web models help explain 1) the social leverage provided by computing arrangements; 2) the co-requisites for smoothly operating systems; and 3) the ways in which the social settings in which computing arrangements are developed and used shape their configurations and consequences.

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We contrast web models with conventionally rational "discrete-entity" models which are a-contextual, a-historical, and assume that adequate infrastructure can always be available as needed. Predictions of computing development sad use based on discrete-entity models usually underestimate the problems of implementation and underestimate the extent to which computer-based systems play important roles other than as direct aids in leveraging information processing capabilities in a work organization.

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Web models shed greater light on socially and technically complex, embedded computing developments than do discrete-entity models. At best, discrete-entity models account for some of the potential (dis)advantages provided by a new technology or organizational arrangements. Since they are context-free, discrete-entity models can be used to describe the results of many simple experiments. In discrete-entity analyses, all things being equal is the rule, while the social setting of technical development and use is largely ignored. That neglect is usually untenable when the organizational setting or the technology itself is complex. Even simple technologies may be compromised by complex, demanding settings [13].

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Web models draw "large" social boundaries around a focal computing resource so that the defining situation includes: the ecology of participants who influence the adoption and use of computer-based technologies, the infrastructures for supporting system development and use, and the history of local computing developments [3, 8, 13, 16].

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The social boundaries for a given computing resource can extend far beyond the work places where it is developed and used. Useful social boundaries contain work groups laced throughout a given organization and through other organizations on which the focal organization depends for resources such as staff, equipment, income, and legitimacy. These boundaries are often ir- regular in that they often do not conform to the formal boundaries of organizations and their subunits. They can also be idiosyncratic in that they differ from one organizational setting to another, even when thesame technologies are in use. Within these social boundaries, web models link computing developments to routine organizational activities and critical negotiations.

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Web models help explain the actual leverage of computing developments, their carrying costs, and the ways that systems are valued by different participants. Computer-based systems increasingly extend beyond the narrow boundaries of a work group or small scale organizational unit and are increasingly an element in more complex social relations. Consequently, discrete-entity models are becoming less relevant as a basis for guiding research on the social dimensions of computerization. Web models of computing appear especially appropriate when 1) the production or support of computer-based systems is socially complex or 2) their adoption or operation depends upon social relations that extend far beyond the behavioral setting in which the technology is developed or used. Web models examine the social simplicity/complexity of computing arrangements, not just their technical simplicity/complexity. As computer-based systems become more socially complex, web models will become increasingly critical as approaches for explaining the development and use of computing.

机译:

尽管工业化国家已经迅速实现了计算机化,但是计算机化的最终形式及其社会后果仍是无限的。设备开发的总体方向相对明确-面向运行在更快,更小,更便宜的硬件上的基于计算机的系统。面向分配计算(和工作)的设备架构;和通常更灵活,更可能支持人机之间正常交互的软件。计算机化不仅仅是将计算设备放置在办公室,房屋,轮船,飞机,汽车或购物区中。计算机化是指向各种群体提供基于计算机的系统和服务的社会实践,对人们进行有效使用系统所需的各种技能培训的安排,改变责任制的实践,控制方式的变化等。计算机化是技术,社会和政治过程的结合[12]。 rn

计算机化触及工作,教育,商业,与公共机构打交道等许多关键领域的数百万人的生活。试图找到一些简单的公式来总结计算机化对人员,群体和更大的社会秩序的影响。简明扼要地概括了计算机化含义的简单胶囊公式往往是确定性的,并且过于简化[11]。关于计算机化的特定社会后果,我们最可靠的知识来自对特定社会环境中基于计算机的特定系统进行的认真研究[10]。在整个工业化国家中,采用了无数的系统和设置以及各种计算机化实践。此外,分析人员在他们的研究中带来了各自不同的理论假设[6,10,22]。因此,研究的发现有时似乎不一致[1,10,19,21]。关于计算机化是否自然会带来更好或更差的工作[4、7、8、17、23、24],导致人们做出更好或更差的决定[20],使工作组或多或少具有灵活性,存在着激烈的争论。 [17],加强或重新分配社会力量的模式[3],减少欺诈行为对公众的责任[2]等。 rn

关于计算机的后果和条件的许多流行和专业论述使用是相对确定的。确定性故事可以是乐观的[5]或悲观的[7,23]。在过去的十年中,学者们开始开发一些有趣的解释模型,以帮助理解计算机化作为社会和技术过程的方式。对计算的社会影响的研究表明,将基于计算机的系统引入组织等社会环境中的“确定性”后果很少[12、18、20、25]。在不同的条件和不同的计算机化策略下,工作或多或少会变得熟练。工作组可能会获得或失去灵活性;决策可能“更好”或更混乱;权力可能转移给中央管理员,也可能转移给中央管理员,等等。诸如此类的变化取决于社会和技术上的偶然性,例如:引入的系统的种类,控制它们的人,致力于其支持的基础结构的种类等[17]。当引入动态社会环境,充满社会冲突的环境或计算机策略限制支持资源时,基于计算机的系统在静态实验室条件下可以完善,并且在有大量资源支持的情况下可能会非常棘手。诸如此类的上下文特征对采用的基于计算机的系统的种类,它们的组织方式以及它们对人员和群体的影响有很大的影响。因此,“好的技术”的简单发展不足以确保许多参与者的社交生活得到改善。 rn

本讲座将研究一些组织思想,以帮助理解计算机化策略及其策略。结局取决于人们悲伤的群体通过引入网络模型来制定的社会环境[14,18]。 Web模型检查了采用,开发基于计算机的系统的社会环境或使用;他们将支持基于计算机的系统的基础结构视为其运行形式的组成部分;他们根据相关计算机发展的历史和关键社会环境中的相关社会实践,将正在研究的计算机发展定位在研究中。该演讲的示例主要来自工作场所的计算机化。 rn

Web模型有助于解释1)计算安排提供的社会影响力; 2)顺利运行操作系统的必备条件; 3)开发和使用计算装置的社会环境如何影响其配置和结果。 rn

我们将网络模型与传统的理性的“离散实体”模型进行了对比,后者是a上下文的,具有历史意义,并假设始终可以根据需要提供足够的基础架构。基于离散实体模型对计算开发的不幸使用的预测通常会低估实施问题,并且低估了基于计算机的系统在发挥直接作用而不是在工作组织中利用信息处理能力的重要作用的程度。与离散实体模型相比,Web模型在社会和技术上复杂的嵌入式计算开发方面更具启发性。充其量,离散实体模型可以解释新技术或组织安排提供的某些潜在(不利)优势。由于它们不受上下文限制,因此可以使用离散实体模型来描述许多简单实验的结果。在离散实体分析中,所有条件都是规则,而技术开发和使用的社会环境在很大程度上被忽略了。当组织机构或技术本身很复杂时,这种疏忽通常是站不住脚的。甚至简单的技术也可能会因复杂而苛刻的设置而受到损害[13]。 rn

Web模型在焦点计算资源周围绘制了“较大的”社会边界,因此定义的情况包括:影响参与者的生态。计算机技术的采用和使用,支持系统开发和使用的基础结构以及本地计算发展的历史[3,8,13,16]。 rn

给定计算的社会边界资源可以远远超出开发和使用它的工作场所。有用的社会界限包含整个给定组织中以及通过其他组织的工作组,焦点组织依靠这些组织来获取诸如人员,设备,收入和合法性之类的资源。这些边界通常是不规则的,因为它们通常不符合组织及其子单位的正式边界。它们也可能是特质的,即使在使用相同技术的情况下,它们也从一个组织设置到另一个组织设置都不同。在这些社会界限内,Web模型将计算开发与日常组织活动和关键性谈判联系起来。 rn

Web模型可帮助解释计算开发的实际杠杆作用,其账面成本以及不同系统对系统进行估值的方式参与者。基于计算机的系统越来越多地超出工作组或小型组织单位的狭窄范围,并且越来越成为更复杂的社会关系中的要素。因此,离散实体模型作为指导计算机化社会维度研究的基础正变得越来越不相关。当以下情况出现时,Web计算网络模型显得尤为合适:1)基于计算机的系统的生产或支持在社会上很复杂,或者2)网络模型的采用或运行取决于远远超出开发或使用技术的行为环境的社会关系。 Web模型不仅检查技术上的简单性/复杂性,而且还检查计算安排的社会简单性/复杂性。随着基于计算机的系统在社会上变得越来越复杂,作为解释计算开发和使用方法的网络模型将变得越来越重要。

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