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PUBLIC CHOICE AS A THEORY OF GOVERNMENTAL CORRUPTION: BOTH HELP AND HINDRANCE

机译:公共选择作为政府腐败理论:两个帮助和障碍

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Public choice (PC) theory‘s assumptions of egoistic, self-interested, utilitymaximisation by politicians and bureaucrats has in the past been widely used to explain governmental behaviour in western democracies, and as a theoretical foundation for institutional reform. In a sense, PC assumes that all officials are at least potentially corrupt. Against this background, this paper looks at three main issues. Given that principal-agent approaches dominate in international attempts to combat government corruption, the first section reflects on the status of the knowledge which underpins these attempts. With reference to the idea of a social .tipping point‘, the second section discusses questions as to how and why some countries or jurisdictions which are generally perceived to have low levels of corruption, might over time (and perhaps even quite rapidly) display higher levels of corruption. Finally, the third section raises the possibility that the application of public choice theory to institutional reform in countries which have not displayed high levels of corruption may in fact have the reverse effect of raising at least the potential for increasing corruption.
机译:公共选择(PC)理论是政治家和官僚和官僚的自我,自我兴趣,近在案化的假设已被广泛用于解释西方民主国家的政府行为,作为体制改革的理论基础。从某种意义上说,PC假定所有官员至少可能腐败。在此背景下,本文介绍了三个主要问题。鉴于本国代理人方法在国际试图打击政府腐败的主导地位,第一部分反映了构成这些尝试的知识的地位。关于社会.tipping Point的想法',第二部分讨论了如何以及为什么如何以及为什么通常被认为具有低腐败水平的国家或司法管辖区,可能会随着时间的推移(也许甚至相当迅速)显示更高腐败水平。最后,第三部分提出了公共选择理论在尚未显示出高水平腐败的国家的制度改革的可能性可能具有越来越多的腐败潜力的逆转效应。

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