OverviewRapidly expanding U.S. shale oil production has dramatically changed the nation’s energy landscape in a few short years. Since 2010, the U.S. has increased its oil production by 4 million barrels per day. The ample supplies of crude oil from the U.S. have been a factor in the collapse of oil prices. The federal ban on crude oil exports whose motivation dates back to the 1973 oil embargo, helped keep domestic oil prices even lower.Localized oversupply-the result of transport constraints-had depressed regional crude oil prices relative to global rates. As pipeline infrastructure reached new production areas, more crude flowed to the Gulf Coast, where more than 50 percent of U.S. refining capacity resides. But, refiners there potentially lacked the ability to process all the newly discovered oil. Although the U.S. has one of the largest refining capacities in the world, it is mostly for heavy, sour crudes. Only a small amount of this capacity is for light sweet crude. Because crude oil from shale was predominantly “light,” there was a mismatch in heavy versus light refining capacity.The increased domestic supply and the differential in domestic and foreign oil prices have led to calls to lift the oil export ban. In December 2015, Congress finally lifted the 40-year old export ban. The lifting of the oil export ban raises a number of questions on how oil and product markets and other macroeconomic variables will be affected. In this context, there is a large body of non-academic literature discussing the impact of a U.S. crude oil free trade policy by national and international organizations. These studies are typically qualitative in nature or rely on simple models in order to evaluate the impact. We propose to explore the quantitative impacts of lifting the export ban on domestic and foreign oil production, oil prices, product markets, and trade flows from a macroeconomic perspective.MethodolgyThere has been a renewed and growing interest in the literature for developing full-fledged dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) models that incorporate global and domestic energy markets. We plan to investigate the impact of lifting the U.S. crude export ban through the lens of a DSGE model allowing us to explore some of the potential macroeconomic effects that might be associated with the export ban.The world economy will be represented by a multi-sector dynamic equilibrium trade model that consists of two countries, the U.S. and the rest of the world (ROW). Both the U.S. and ROW produce a non-oil good and two types of oil, light and heavy, using labor. Both countries also produce refined petroleum products using capital and light and heavy oil. Households in both countries consume the non-oil good and refined products. Investment in refinery capacity is also included in the model. Refineries typically have long lead times before they begin operating. Investment behavior is modeled using capital adjustment costs in the capital accumulation constraint, such as in Hayashi (1982); Baxter and Crucini (1995), or by using a time to build approach, as in Kydland and Prescott (1982); Backus, Kehoe, and Kydland, (1992, 1994).We initially analyze the impact of growing U.S. oil production on oil and product markets with the export ban in place. We model the U.S. as exporting refined products, but not oil, while the ROW can both export and import refined products and oil. We then conduct several policy experiments. First, the U.S. economy is hit with a very persistent shock that increases light crude oil production. Second, the constraint imposed by the export ban is removed in the model. We then compare the impact on key variables under this policy to several other alternative scenarios. We also analyze cases with several different modeling assumptions and parameters.ResultsWe have calibrated and run a two-country DSGE model with oil production and refinery sectors and two types of oil. In the initial model constant returns to scale in the refinery sector generates a counter factual result that countries should specialize in producing either refined products or the other tradable, manufactured good. In this model there are trade costs associated with refined products. When the refinery sector is modelled as increasing returns to scale, the results are more plausible.The quantitative and qualitative results from the removal of the export ban include impacts on domestic and foreign oil production, oil prices, oil product prices and trade flows between the two countries.ConclusionsThe rapidly increased domestic supply and the resulting differential between domestic and foreign oil prices have led to the lifting of the 40-year old U.S. crude oil export ban, which has implications not only for the oil markets but also for the macroeconomy. This paper quantitatively explores the impact of lifting the ban from a macroeconomic perspective.
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