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An Examination of the Visions of Ursula Jost in the Context of Early Anabaptism and Late Medieval Christianity

机译:在早期洗礼和中世纪后期基督教背景下对厄休拉·乔斯特的异象的考察

摘要

In early 1530, the lay preacher and recent Anabaptist convert Melchior Hoffman published a series of seventy-seven visions by the Strasbourg butcher’s wife Ursula Jost. In its own day this series of visions, which is the longest extant sixteenth-century document written from the perspective of an Anabaptist woman, attracted the attention of Strasbourg’s authorities and became popular among Dutch Anabaptists who followed Hoffman. In the twentieth century the visions have been studied by Klaus Deppermann and Lois Barrett, who came to widely diverging conclusions on Ursula’s values and her place in the Anabaptist movement. Deppermann saw her as an angry, even bloodthirsty woman whose visions revealed “a murderous hatred of existing society” and inspired violent actions of the part of other Anabaptists, while Barrett argued that Ursula’s visions reflected “the Anabaptist-Mennonite ethic of establishing the reign of God nonviolently.” In light of the radically different conclusions reached by Deppermann and Barrett, this study conducts a fresh re-examination of the visions of Ursula Jost in order to determine what Ursula’s example reveals about sixteenth-century Anabaptism. It investigates her relationship to her own city of Strasbourg, the broader Anabaptist movement in the sixteenth century, and the breadth of the late medieval religious tradition in which Ursula and her contemporaries were raised. Contra Barrett’s claim that Ursula’s visions uphold a nonviolent Anabaptist-Mennonite ethic, this study argues that, while Ursula belongs to the Anabaptist tradition, she does not belong to the Mennonite tradition. Instead, her example illustrates the diversity and heterogeneity of the first Anabaptists in contrast to the relative homogeneity of the Hutterite, Mennonite, and Swiss Brethren traditions that survived past the mid-sixteenth century, as well as the indebtedness of the Anabaptist religious tradition to the late medieval religious tradition that preceded it.
机译:1530年初,非专业的传教士和最近的再洗礼信徒convert依者梅尔基奥尔·霍夫曼(Melchior Hoffman)发表了史特拉斯堡屠夫的妻子Ursula Jost的一系列七十七种异象。在这一天,这一系列的愿景是从再洗礼的女人的角度写的最长的十六世纪文献,引起了斯特拉斯堡当局的注意,并在跟随霍夫曼的荷兰再洗礼中广受欢迎。在20世纪,克劳斯·德珀曼(Klaus Deppermann)和路易斯·巴雷特(Lois Barrett)研究了这些异象,他们对厄休拉的价值观及其在再洗礼运动中的地位提出了广泛分歧的结论。 Deppermann视她为一个愤怒,甚至嗜血的妇女,她的异象揭示了“对现存社会的杀人仇恨”,并激发了其他再洗派教徒的暴力行动,而Barrett认为,厄休拉的见解反映了“建立起阿那教派的门那教徒-门农主义者的道德观”。神非暴力。”根据Deppermann和Barrett得出的截然不同的结论,本研究对Ursula Jost的愿景进行了重新审查,以确定Ursula的例子揭示了十六世纪的洗礼。它调查了她与她自己的城市斯特拉斯堡的关系,十六世纪更广泛的洗礼运动以及后来的乌苏拉和她的同时代人兴起的中世纪中世纪宗教传统的广度。孔特雷·巴雷特(Contra Barrett)声称,厄休拉的异象秉承了非暴力的洗礼派-门诺派伦理,这项研究认为,尽管厄休拉属于洗礼派传统,但她不属于门农派传统。取而代之的是,她的例子说明了第一批再洗礼派的多样性和异质性,与在十六世纪中叶幸存的哈特派,门诺派和瑞士兄弟会的相对同质性以及再洗礼的宗教传统对较早的中世纪晚期宗教传统。

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