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Organisational reform in the British Labour Party since 1983.

机译:自1983年以来英国工党的组织改革。

摘要

This thesis examines the organisational transformation of the British Labour Party since 1983. The main intellectual contributions are: (1) the development of a rational choice model of party organisation; (2) an explanation Labour's organisational reforms, a subject that has attracted little academic attention. An exchange model of party organisation is developed, focusing on leader- follower relations inside parties. It builds on previous exchange models and extends the approach to the issue of party change, on which some general propositions are offered. The model is used to examine changes in leader-follower relations in the Labour Party. It is shown that Labour's historic form of intraparty exchange consisted of that between the parliamentary elite and the leaders of the major trade unions affiliated to the party, institutionalised in the 'block vote'. Labour's problems with the unions in the 1970s and its subsequent electoral wilderness years persuaded party leaders to reduce union influence to broaden the party's electoral appeal. The strategy was to enfranchise individual members at the expense of activist cliques and unions. Three areas of decision-making are examined - policymaking, parliamentary candidate selection, and leadership contests - and two trends are evident: (1) the erosion of Labour's federal structure, based on union affiliation and its replacement by a unitary (individual membership) structure; (2) the centralisation of power with party elites. A new form of exchange, between party leaders and individual members, has increasingly replaced that between party and union leaders. This has given Labour's organisation a greater degree of electoral legitimacy by reducing its reliance on the unions (who might extract policy concessions from Labour governments). However, centralisation has gone so far that it is questionable whether party activists and unions have sufficient incentives to remain inside the party, supplying it with labour and finance. To this extent, the exchange model alerts us to the possibility that Labour may no longer possess 'equilibrium institutions'.
机译:本文考察了自1983年以来英国工党的组织转型。主要的思想贡献是:(1)发展党组织的理性选择模型。 (2)解释工党的组织改革,这个学科很少受到学术关注。建立了党组织的交流模型,重点关注党内领导人与跟随者的关系。它建立在以前的交换模型的基础上,并将方法扩展到政党更替问题上,在此基础上提出了一些一般性主张。该模型用于检验工党领导者与跟随者关系的变化。可以看出,工党的党内交流的历史形式包括议会精英与党内主要工会领导人之间的交流,这种制度化以“集体投票”制度化。工党在1970年代与工会的问题及其随后的选举荒野岁月,说服了党的领导人减少工会的影响,以扩大党的选举吸引力。该策略是要以牺牲激进派集团和工会为代价来使个人成员享有特权。研究了决策的三个领域-政策制定,议会候选人selection选和领导权竞赛-显而易见的两个趋势:(1)工会联盟基础削弱了工党的联邦结构,并由单一的(个人成员制)结构取代; (2)政党精英集权。党的领导人与个人成员之间的一种新的交流形式已逐渐取代了党和工会领导人之间的一种交流形式。通过减少对工会的依赖,劳工组织获得了更大程度的选举合法性(工会可能会从工党政府那里获得政策让步)。但是,中央集权化已经走到了很远,以至于政党激进主义者和工会是否有足够的动机留在党内,为党提供劳力和财政,这是一个问题。在这种程度上,交换模型使我们警觉到工党可能不再拥有“均衡机构”的可能性。

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  • 作者

    Quinn Thomas;

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  • 年度 2002
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  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 en
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