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The Spratly Islands dispute : decision units and domestic politics

机译:南沙群岛之争:决策部门和国内政治

摘要

This thesis presents a cross-national, cross-regime examination of foreign policy decision-making in the Spratly Islands dispute, focusing on China, Malaysia and the Philippines. It argues that how and why these countries have acted in particular ways towards the dispute relates to the relationship among foreign policy decision-making, government behaviour and domestic politics. The theoretical foundation of the study is foreign policy analysis. It applies the decision units approach advanced by Margaret and Charles Hermann and Joe Hagan to investigate who made foreign policy decisions on the Spratly Islands dispute in the three countries during the period 1991-2002, and how this influenced government behaviour. In addition, the contextual influence of domestic politics is considered. Four case studies inform the empirical analysis: the approaches taken by Malaysia and the Philippines to bolster their respective sovereignty claim, China’s establishment of a comprehensive maritime jurisdictional regime covering the Spratly Islands among other areas, China-Philippines contestation over Mischief Reef and the development of a regional instrument to regulate conduct in the South China Sea.Three conclusions are drawn. First, the decision units approach identifies the pivotal foreign policy decision-makers in each of the countries examined and the process involved. Second, it explains the relationship between decision unit characteristics -- self-contained or externally influenceable -- and each government’s behaviour towards the dispute. Injecting domestic politics into the analysis highlights motivations of and constraints faced by decision-makers, conditioning the form and content of government action. Third, it demonstrates a low predictive capability: the ‘fit’ between hypothesised and actual government behaviour is poor. While it is not a comprehensive analytical tool, the combined decision units-domestic politics approach offers deeper insight into government decisions and behaviour on the Spratly Islands dispute than hitherto reported in the literature.
机译:本文对南沙群岛争端中的外交政策决策进行了跨国,跨制度的考察,重点是中国,马来西亚和菲律宾。它认为,这些国家如何以及为什么以特殊方式对争端采取行动,这与外交政策决策,政府行为和国内政治之间的关系有关。该研究的理论基础是外交政策分析。它采用了玛格丽特,查尔斯·赫尔曼和乔·哈根提出的决策单位方法,调查了谁在1991-2002年期间对这三个国家的南沙群岛争端做出外交政策决定,以及这如何影响政府行为。另外,考虑了国内政治的背景影响。四个案例研究为实证分析提供了依据:马来西亚和菲律宾为加强各自主权主张所采取的方法,中国建立了涵盖南沙群岛等其他地区的全面海洋管辖权制度,中菲对美济礁的争夺以及菲律宾的发展。规范南中国海行为的区域性文书。得出三个结论。首先,决策单位方法确定了每个所研究国家中关键的外交政策决策者及其涉及的过程。其次,它解释了决策单位特征(独立或外部可影响)与每个政府对争端行为之间的关系。向分析中注入国内政治,突出了决策者的动机和约束,限制了政府行动的形式和内容。第三,它显示出较低的预测能力:假设的和实际的政府行为之间的“适应性”很差。尽管这不是一个综合的分析工具,但与以往文献中报道的情况相比,联合决策单位-国内政治方法可以更深入地了解南沙群岛争议中的政府决策和行为。

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