首页> 外文OA文献 >La « Commission de lutte contre les tentatives de falsification de l'histoire au détriment des intérêts de la Russie » : « grand machin » inutile ou nouvel instrument de censure ?
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La « Commission de lutte contre les tentatives de falsification de l'histoire au détriment des intérêts de la Russie » : « grand machin » inutile ou nouvel instrument de censure ?

机译:“反对以损害俄罗斯的利益为目的伪造历史的斗争委员会”:无用的“大事”还是新的审查手段?

摘要

On 1 5 May 2009, President Medvedev issued decree number 459 creating "The Presidential Commission of the Russian Federation for Countering Attempts to Falsify History to the Detriment of Russia's Interests". As the French state had done a few years earlier, the Russian state expressed its wish to write its definitive national history to serve as the point of reference in terms of accuracy both at home and abroad. In Russia itself, public opinion immediately cried out against such an unconstitutional initiative ; it was considered as an attempt to establish a new dogma. This seemed all the more to be the case as the senior civil servants making up the bulk of the Commission lacked appropriate training in historical scholarship. In its own way, Russia joined the debate on national history initiated in France in July 1 990 when the first so-called "memory law", or Gayssot law, was passed. The debate ended in July 2009, when the President of the National Assembly gave a speech inviting the State to forego further attempts to write scholarly history, highlighting the tension between a national history or narrative on the one hand, and a scholarly history on the other. Both the French and the Russian states have in their own way claimed their right to write national history and also to control others attempting to do so. They have also tried to interfere in the writing of scholarly history. Faced with the outcry triggered by their initiatives, both states have had to retreat. The French state tiptoed back and left all existing memory laws in place. The Russian state in the end decided against decreeing a memory law similar to the Gayssot law and, instead, set up the aforementioned Commission. The latter subsequently toned down attempts to monitor the writing of historical manuals. Nevertheless, Russia has not altogether ceased to keep an eye on the production of scholarly history. This is evident in the bizarre "Suprun" affair : recently a historian in Arkhangelsk was being interrogated by an (hopefully overzealous) FSB officer. Suffice it to say that both France and Russia have maintained an ambiguous position about the matter of national historiography. Drawing on quotations from philosophers, pamphleteers and nineteenth and twentieth century historians with an interest in this issue, this article aims to analyse some specific, recent, examples in France and Russia. We shall ultimately assess contradictions with regard to the issues of legitimacy and "hostility" as universal problems that emerge in the production of national narratives and historical scholarship.
机译:2009年5月1日,梅德韦杰夫总统发布了第459号法令,其中规定:“俄罗斯联邦总统委员会反对伪造历史,损害俄罗斯的利益”。就像法国政府几年前所做的那样,俄罗斯政府表示希望写下自己的权威性国家历史,以作为国内外准确度的参考。在俄罗斯本身,公众舆论立即反对这种违宪举措;它被认为是建立新教条的尝试。由于构成委员会大部分人员的高级公务员缺乏历史奖学金的适当培训,情况似乎更加如此。俄罗斯以自己的方式参加了990年7月1日在法国发起的关于民族历史的辩论,当时第一部所谓的“记忆法”(即盖索特法)获得通过。辩论于2009年7月结束,国民议会主席发表演讲,邀请国家放弃进一步尝试撰写学术史的尝试,强调一方面是民族历史或叙事,另一方面是学术史之间的张力。 。法国和俄罗斯各州都以自己的方式要求自己撰写国家历史并控制其他试图这样做的人的权利。他们还试图干预学术史的写作。面对他们的倡议引发的强烈抗议,两国不得不撤退。这个法国国家tip之以鼻,并将所有现有的记忆法留在原地。最终,俄罗斯政府决定不颁布类似于盖索特法律的记忆法,而是成立了上述委员会。后者随后调低了对历史手册编写的监督力度。尽管如此,俄罗斯并没有完全停止关注学术史的产生。这在离奇的“ Suprun”事件中很明显:最近,阿尔汉格尔斯克的一位历史学家遭到一名(满怀热忱的)FSB官员的审讯。可以说法国和俄罗斯在国家史学问题上都保持了模棱两可的立场。本文以对这一问题感兴趣的哲学家,小册子作者以及19世纪和20世纪历史学家的名言为基础,旨在分析法国和俄罗斯最近的一些具体例子。我们最终将评估与合法性和“敌对性”问题有关的矛盾,这些问题是在产生民族叙事和历史学术成果时出现的普遍问题。

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    Philippe Comte;

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