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Triggering from alternative sets and projection of pragmatic presuppositions

机译:从另类集触发和语用预设的投射

摘要

This paper takes up the problem from Stalnaker (1974) of deriving thepragmatic presuppositions of verbs such as know, stop and win asconversational implicatures, without hypothesizing a semanticpresupposition. I interpret data discussed by Karttunen (1969),Chierchia and McConnell-Ginet (1990), Simons (2001) and others asindicating that there is a distinct group of ?soft? presupposition triggerswhose pragmatic presuppositions, though systematic, are also contextdependentand easily suspendable. These are distinguished from?hard? presuppositions triggers like it-clefts and too which on theassumptions of this paper introduce semantic presuppositions. Thesedistinctions are defended in sections 1 and 2. Sections 3 and 4 reviewand criticize proposals from Stalnaker (1974) and Simons (2001) forderiving the pragmatic presuppositions of soft triggers asconversational implicatures. Section 5 introduces the hypothesis thatthe pragmatic presuppositions of soft triggers come from alternatives tolexical meanings, such as the alternative lose to win. A pragmaticpresupposition is derived as the default assumption that somealternative is true. In section 6, the default existential presuppositionof intonational focus is attributed to the same process. Section 7proposes a systematic pragmatic derivation of a conversationalimplicature, using a specific default axiom called G, and a generalpragmatic process of enrichment reasoning. Sections 8, 9, and 10address the projection problem for the pragmatic presuppositions ofsoft triggers. It is shown that projection data for these triggers is thesame as what is seen for hard triggers, which would seem to favor ananalysis using semantic presuppositions. The puzzle is resolved byreplacing G with a default generalization L which refers to the localinformation states manipulated by compositional semantics in dynamiccompositional theories. Section 9 also considers general issues of theinterface between pragmatics and compositional semantics. Section 11shows that the derivation using L also deals with projection data forfocus.
机译:本文从Stalnaker(1974)的问题出发,推导了动词的语用预设,例如“知识”,“停止”和“赢得”等会话含义,而没有假设语义的预设。我将Karttunen(1969),Chierchia和McConnell-Ginet(1990),Simons(2001)等人讨论的数据解释为表明存在着不同的“软”群体。预设触发器的语用预设虽然是系统的,但也是与上下文相关的,易于悬挂。这些区别于“难”?预设触发条件就像它的裂缝一样,在本文的假设条件下,它也会引入语义预设条件。这些区别在第1节和第2节中得到了辩护。第3节和第4节对Stalnaker(1974)和Simons(2001)提出的推论软触发的实用前提作为会话含义进行了评论和批评。第五部分介绍了这样一个假设,即软触发器的语用预设来自替代性的词汇含义,例如替代性的输赢。语用预设是默认假设,即另类为真。在第6节中,默认的存在于国家焦点的预设是由于相同的过程。第7节提出了一种系统的语用意义的语用系统推导,它使用一种称为G的特定默认公理和一个丰富的推理的一般语用过程。第8、9和10节讨论了软触发器的实用预设的投影问题。结果表明,这些触发条件的投影数据与硬触发条件相同,这似乎有利于使用语义预设进行分析。通过用默认泛化L替换G来解决这个难题,默认泛化L指的是动态组成理论中由组成语义操纵的局部信息状态。第9节还考虑了语用学和构成语义学之间的接口的一般问题。第11节表明,使用L的推导还处理用于聚焦的投影数据。

著录项

  • 作者

    Abusch Dorit;

  • 作者单位
  • 年度 2005
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  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 en
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