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When Does An Autocrat Compromise With Social Forces? The Political Economy Of Labor Policy Reform In China, 1978-2009

机译:独裁者何时会屈服于社会力量? 1978-2009年中国劳动政策改革的政治经济学

摘要

Why, despite no formal representation of the working class in the government, do authoritarian regimes expand labor rights to more workers? After the successful liberalization of its socialist system, the Chinese government began to regulate the labor condition through expanding labor contracting practices from the state to the non-state sector in the 2000s. Challenging the threat of revolution and regime transition argument, this dissertation examines the internal politics within the Chinese state and the dynamics of how Chinese labor officials make use of workers' grievances to secure and enhance their bureaucratic power by introducing rigid labor rules. First, tracing the processes of the reform, I find that the expansion of labor rights to nonstate workers is a direct result of the desire of two Chinese bureaucracies, namely the Ministry of Labor and Social Security and the All China Federation of Trade Unions, to take the opportunity to regain their power that has been relinquished under marketization since the 1980s. This incentive drives these bureaucracies to be a "representative" for workers' interest. Second, employing a diverse-case-selection strategy, I examine three provincial-level regions, namely Beijing, Hunan and Guangdong, and find that local officials' various concerns about their bureaucratic and political power have led to different patterns of regional labor regulatory regimes. Third, based on the three case studies, I generate two hypotheses and include a statistical analysis of the labor policy-making of the 31 Chinese provincial-level regions from 2001-2008. The study explores the influence of labor officials' career prospects on the regional efforts to implement the practice of labor contracting. I conclude that China's promotion of labor rights in the 2000s is mainly motivated by labor officials' self-interests about their bureaucratic and political power. Societal actors have not yet enjoyed systemic influence in China's labor policy-making.
机译:为什么尽管政府中没有工人阶级的正式代表,但专制政权仍将劳工权利扩大到更多工人?在成功地实现社会主义制度自由化之后,中国政府在2000年代开始通过将劳务承包做法从国有扩大到非国有部门来规范劳动条件。在挑战革命和政权过渡论证的威胁时,本文研究了中国内部的内部政治以及中国劳工官员如何通过引入僵化的劳工规则来利用工人的不满来确保和增强官僚主义权力的动态。首先,我追踪改革的过程,发现将劳工权利扩展到非国有工人是直接由劳动和社会保障部和中华全国总工会两个中国官僚机构向借此机会重新获得自1980年代以来在市场化进程中被放弃的权力。这种激励驱使这些官僚机构成为工人利益的“代表”。其次,我采用了不同案例选择策略,考察了北京,湖南和广东这三个省级地区,发现地方官员对官僚和政治权力的种种担忧导致了不同的地区劳动监管制度模式。第三,基于这三个案例研究,我得出了两个假设,并包括对2001年至2008年中国31个省级地区劳动政策制定的统计分析。该研究探讨了劳工官员的职业前景对实施劳工合同实践的区域努力的影响。我得出的结论是,中国在2000年代提倡劳工权利的主要动力是劳工官员对其官僚和政治权力的自身利益。社会角色尚未在中国的劳动政策制定中享有系统性的影响。

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  • 作者

    Chou Chiachen;

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  • 年度 2011
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