首页> 外文OA文献 >Kleine kinderen, grote oren? Het succes waarmee kleuters van Vlaamse en Marokkaanse afkomst nieuwe woorden leren via rechtstreekse communicatie en luistervinken
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Kleine kinderen, grote oren? Het succes waarmee kleuters van Vlaamse en Marokkaanse afkomst nieuwe woorden leren via rechtstreekse communicatie en luistervinken

机译:小孩子,大耳朵?法兰德斯和摩洛哥血统的学龄前儿童通过直接交流和窃听者学习新单词的成功

摘要

Little Pitchers, Big Ears? The Success of Learning New Vocabulary through Addressed and Overheard Speech in Flemish- and Moroccan-heritage Preschool ChildrenLanguage acquisition research has long focused nearly exclusively on the way in which young children learn language in direct interactions (Akhtar, Jipson, & Callanan, 2001). However, children also learn much language in indirect situations: by keenly observing others and overhearing conversations. This dissertation aims to provide more insight into the way in which older (six-year-old) children learn language in both direct and indirect contexts. We conducted two studies in children in the final year of kindergarten. The first study was conducted in Flemish-heritage children (N = 53) in ten different kindergartens in Antwerp. The children were exposed to a story with twelve novel words in three different interaction situations. The study revealed that six-year-old children learned equally well in direct interaction with an adult experimenter, who introduced herself as a ‘new teacher’ at school, as through overhearing conversations among two adults. The children learned, however, significantly fewer novel words when they had the opportunity to overhear classroom interactions. The fact that children learn equally well in direct interaction as through overhearing conversations among adults is in line with previous research in infants from European background.Several hypotheses have been proposed to explain why children learn less through overhearing classroom interactions. One explanation is that children are susceptible to effects of classroom socialization. Classroom socialization means that children, by repeatedly participating in the same classroom activities, gradually know how to behave to be considered as competent members of the classroom community (Mehan, 1979). The school system implies, amongst others, that children are generally not expected to learn from other activities simultaneously occurring in the classroom. Therefore, the children may have been less attentive to the conversations that were intended for their peers, and they learned fewer words in this condition. Another explanation is that children may find it more interesting to overhear conversations that are intended for an adult, than conversations meant for their peers. In order to verify this hypothesis, the experiment should be replicated in a context that is less schoolish (such as a birthday party).The second study was conducted in Flemish-heritage (N = 53) and Moroccan-heritage (N = 79) children in fourteen kindergartens in Antwerp. The children were exposed to the story in the same interaction situations as in the first study. The results showed that Flemish-and Moroccan-heritage children learned equally well through addressed speech. In the overhearing of classroom interactions Moroccan-heritage children learned fewer new words than Flemish-heritage children, but the difference was not significant. The largest and most remarkable difference appeared in the overhearing of conversations among adults: Moroccan-heritage children learned significantly fewer words than Flemish-heritage children in this condition.It is remarkable that Moroccan-heritage children had lower word acquisition results than Flemish-heritage children in the indirect interaction situation among adults, since ethnographic research has shown that Moroccan-heritage children may be more used to learn through observation than children from a Western-European background (Pels & de Haan, 2004). Therefore, we had expected that Moroccan-heritage children might be better in learning language through indirect interaction situations, or that they might be at least equally good at it as Flemish-heritage children. We considered different explanations for the word acquisition differences between children from both cultural backgrounds in the indirect interaction situation among adults. In our view, the most plausible explanation is related to processes of social identification. Similar to the most prototypical educational situation all experiments were conducted by a (female) experimenter of Flemish origin. The addressed adult was also of Flemish origin. We suspect that Flemish-heritage children, by sharing the same ethnic background as the storytellers, were better able to socially identify with them. Therefore, they may have been more inclined to overhear their conversations and they learned more novel words than Morooccan-heritage children. A quantitative analysis of children’s attention management indicates that Flemish-heritage children demonstrated indeed significantly more sustained attention for the storytelling event than Moroccan-heritage children. This was the case for both the exposure to classroom interaction as in the overhearing of two adults. The research finding that Moroccan-heritage children show less sustained attention to the conversations around them in a (Flemish) educational context is especially important. Language acquisition works cumulatively: children who attend to both indirect and direct interaction situations and learn language from that, make potentially more progress with respect to language learning than children who exclusively attend when they are involved in direct interactions. It has been frequently demonstrated in previous research that Moroccan- (and Turkish-) heritage children experience more language learning difficulties at school than Flemish-heritage children and children from other ethnic backgrounds (see, amongst others, OECD, 2010; Verhaeghe & Van Damme, 2007). The fact that Moroccan-heritage children make fewer use of overhearing opportunities, might thus partly provide an explanation why they make less progress with respect to language acquisition.
机译:小投手,大耳朵?在佛兰芒语和摩洛哥遗产学龄前儿童中通过寻址和窃听语音学习新词汇的成功语言习得研究一直以来几乎只专注于幼儿在直接互动中学习语言的方式(Akhtar,Jipson和Callanan,2001年)。但是,在间接的情况下,孩子们也会学到很多语言:敏锐地观察他人并偷听对话。本文旨在提供更大的洞察力,以了解较大(六岁)儿童在直接和间接环境中学习语言的方式。在幼儿园的最后一年,我们对儿童进行了两项研究。第一项研究是在安特卫普的十所不同幼儿园中的佛兰芒裔儿童(N = 53)中进行的。在三种不同的互动情况下,孩子们接触到一个故事,里面有十二个新颖的单词。该研究表明,与一名成年的实验者进行直接互动时,六岁的孩子同样学习得很好,后者通过在两个成年人之间进行偷听的对话而自称为“新老师”。但是,当他们有机会听取课堂互动时,孩子们学到的新颖单词大大减少。儿童在直接互动中的学习程度与通过成年人之间的对话而获得的学习能力相同,这一事实与之前对欧洲背景婴儿的研究相吻合。有人提出了几种假设来解释儿童为什么通过课堂上的互动来学习较少。一种解释是,儿童容易受到课堂社交的影响。课堂社会化意味着孩子们通过反复参加相同的课堂活动,逐渐知道如何表现自己,才能被视为课堂社区的有能力成员(Mehan,1979)。除其他外,学校系统意味着通常不期望孩子从教室中同时发生的其他活动中学习。因此,孩子们可能不太专心于与同龄人的对话,在这种情况下,他们学到的单词更少。另一个解释是,与针对同龄人的对话相比,与成人对话而言,儿童可能更有趣。为了验证这一假设,应该在学习程度较低的情况下(例如生日聚会)重复进行实验。第二项研究是在佛兰德遗产(N = 53)和摩洛哥遗产(N = 79)中进行的安特卫普14所幼儿园的孩子们。孩子们在与第一个研究相同的互动情况下接触了故事。结果表明,佛兰芒语和摩洛哥遗产儿童通过演讲获得了同等的学习。在课堂互动的偷听中,摩洛哥裔儿童学习的新单词少于佛兰芒裔儿童,但差异并不显着。最大的和最显着的差异出现在成年人的交谈中:摩洛哥继承人儿童在这种情况下学习的单词明显少于佛兰芒继承人儿童;值得注意的是,摩洛哥遗产继承人的单词习得结果低于佛兰芒继承人儿童在人与人之间的间接互动情况下,人种学研究表明,与来自西欧背景的儿童相比,摩洛哥继承儿童可能更习惯于通过观察学习(Pels&de Haan,2004)。因此,我们曾期望摩洛哥裔儿童通过间接互动来学习语言方面会更好,或者他们至少可能与佛兰芒裔儿童一样好。在成人之间的间接互动情况下,我们针对两种文化背景的儿童之间的单词习得差异考虑了不同的解释。我们认为,最合理的解释与社会认同的过程有关。类似于最典型的教育情况,所有实验都是由佛兰芒裔的(女性)实验者进行的。所述成年人也来自佛兰芒。我们怀疑佛兰芒传承的孩子与讲故事的人具有相同的种族背景,因此他们更容易与他们进行社交识别。因此,他们可能更倾向于旁听他们的谈话,并且他们比摩洛哥遗产儿童学习更多新颖的单词。对儿童注意力管理的定量分析表明,佛兰芒裔儿童比摩洛哥裔儿童对讲故事事件确实表现出了更加持久的关注。就像在两名成年人的偷听中一样,在课堂上的互动也是如此。研究发现,在(佛兰德语)教育背景下,摩洛哥传承儿童对他们周围的谈话表现出较少的持续关注,这一点尤其重要。语言习得是累积性的:与直接参与互动的孩子相比,参加间接和直接互动情况并从中学习语言的孩子在语言学习方面的进步可能更大。在先前的研究中经常证明,摩洛哥(和土耳其)传承儿童在学校学习语言的困难要比佛兰德传承儿童和其他种族背景的儿童更多(参见OECD,2010; Verhaeghe和Van Damme) ,2007)。摩洛哥遗产儿童较少利用偷听机会这一事实,可能在一定程度上解释了为什么他们在语言习得方面进展较慢。

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    Boderé Anneleen;

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