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Clearing the Path: The Perils of Positing Civil Society in Conflict and Transition

机译:清理路径:在冲突和转型中执政民间社会的危险

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摘要

Can there be a general theoretical perspective on civil societyu27s involvement in transitional justice? This article considers this question in its application to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Within the study of transitional justice and conflict resolution, civil society - a notoriously plastic concept - can be understood narrowly as rights-oriented groups working “for” peace, but the term is equally available to describe a broader array of communities that can either promote or prevent peace and justice.It is, in fact, quite difficult to sustain a theoretical distinction between them, because transitional justice does not escape the dictates of politics - of differing human desires expressed through power. Efforts to memorialise imply conflict over the particular memories to be privileged; claims for reparations are not only demands for justice, but for material redistribution that in turn may promote conflict. A narrow view of civil society problematically assumes we even know - let alone agree on - what constitutes positive change.In the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, that is a fraught proposition. Both an accurate definition of civil society and the valence of justice work slip beyond the narrow confines of the received modelu27s assumptions: both Jewish and Palestinian groups mobilise a spectrum of resources from political engagement, to overseas support, to violent self-help. On both sides, civil society groups are instrumentalised to advance not an agenda of peace or justice in some abstract sense but a parochial claim that, seen from the other side, is, in fact, an obstacle to resolution. Indeed, there may be no peace or justice initiatives that can be analytically separated from efforts the purpose and effect of which is the very opposite of our conventional understanding of the field. The range from vocal activism to violent action, the spectrum of activation, commitment and radicalism, must be understood as fraught but connected and unbroken - as, at most, a kind of punctuated continuum.The real work performed by civil society in promoting agendas of peace and justice cannot properly be understood without locating it in a defensible theoretical and empirical framework. Imagining a narrow civil society risks skewing our analysis ofwhat civil society can do and actually does in relation to conflict. Civil society can clear the path to peace, or can provide the principal obstacles to it - it can simultaneously do both. In this it very much shares the ambiguous, multivalent profile of its classic counterpart: politics in the public sphere.
机译:民间社会是否有一般的理论看法 U27参与过渡性司法?本文认为,在以色列 - 巴勒斯坦冲突的申请中考虑了这个问题。在过渡性司法和冲突解决方案的研究中,民间社会 - 一个众所周知的塑料概念 - 可以狭隘地理解为“和平”的权利导向群体,但该术语同样可用于描述一个更广泛的社区,可以推广或者是防止和平与司法。事实上,它非常难以维持他们之间的理论区分,因为过渡性司法没有逃脱政治的决定 - 不同的人类欲望表达的人。纪念碑的努力意味着对特定记忆的冲突;赔偿的索赔不仅要求对司法而要求,而且对于材料再分配,又可以促进冲突。对民间社会的狭隘观点是有问题的假设我们甚至知道 - 更不识 - 更不用说 - 什么构成了积极的变革。在以色列 - 巴勒斯坦冲突的背景下,这是一个充满困境的主张。民间社会的准确定义和司法工作的价值超出了所接受的模型的狭隘范围:犹太人和巴勒斯坦团体都会从政治参与,海外支持,以暴力自助调动一系列资源。在双方,民间社会团体都有所作用,在某种抽象意义上推动和平或正义议程,而是从另一边看到的狭隘声称实际上是解决方案的障碍。实际上,可能没有和平或正义倡议,可以与努力分开分开的目的和效果是与我们对对该领域的传统理解相反的目的和效果。从声乐活动到暴力行动的范围,激活,承诺和激进主义的频谱必须被理解为充足但连接和不间断 - 至多,最多,一种标点的连续体。民间社会在推动议程方面的实际工作在没有在可辩护的理论和实证框架中定位它,不能妥善理解和平与司法。想象一个狭隘的民间社会风险歪曲我们对民间社会可以做的,并且实际与冲突有关的分析。民间社会可以清除和平的道路,或者可以为它提供主要障碍 - 它可以同时做两者。在此,它非常分享其经典同行的暧昧,多价概况:公共领域的政治。

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    Timothy William Waters;

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