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A Zulu martyr? : what are the factors that led to the sparse and irregular public commemoration on Maqhamusela Khanyile in the Lutheran church to which he belonged?

机译:祖鲁人的烈士? :是什么原因导致他所属的路德教会对马格萨姆塞拉·汉尼勒进行稀疏和不定期的公开纪念?

摘要

Personal motivation and formulation of the research problem supplies the content of chapter 1. Chapter 2 of this report surveys the approaches, methodologies and skills that have been utilized. As this is a study in spirituality the viability of plying it as an academic interdisciplinary discipline had to be affirmed. Methods, approaches and skills appropriate to this particular problem were lengthily enumerated, the most important methodologies being those of historiography (written and oral tradition) and literary sciences. Explanatory notes on the time frame within which research sources were collected, on the cut off date beyond which new material could no longer be incorporated into the research and on the spelling of Maqhamusela's name concluded the chapter.The preliminaries having been dealt with chapters 3 to 6 could deal with whether Maqhamusela was remembered and on what channels and by which means. Chapter 3 listed and described the first texts on his life and death, and attempts to assess them for reliability and assumptions. Of the 17 early sources, 1-8 and 15-17 stand out as directly relevant to the question of the remembrance and commemoration of Maqhamusela, relative to the particular perspectives of the chapters that follow.Chapter 4 lists and interprets modes in which Maqhamusela was remembered other than in written texts, an issues that had become prominent in discovering that 60 years after his death Rev Fowler and Rev Rodseth could collect new information on what had transpired. It also became evident that there had been a change in attitude among missionaries of the Norwegian Mission Society to include Zulu converts among the witnesses to Christ. Three later reports underscorethe claim of one of those interviewed, "The whole area had him in their mind".If Maqhamusela was remembered the questions is for what reason. Chapter 5 gleanstheoretical insights from Salisbury's studies of early martyrs (1997: 165ff) and work byMandew (1997: 113ff) on the celebrations of the Israelites of the Bullhoek Massacre. The formeremphasized that for public commemoration physical remains and a text were important, the latterfollowed Connerton in stipulating that communal interest fuels communal remembering.When applied to the case of Maqhamusela being remembered the theories highlight aspects thatmight otherwise have escaped attention, viz. the importance of the inscription on the stone, ofOftebro's initial report, of the disappearance of the corpse, and of Maqhamusela' s refusing towear trousers, though he covered his beshu with a shirt.This chapter discovers that Stavems' inclusion of Maqhamusela and other Zulu Christians(source 13) and particularly the Zulu sketch in Incwadi yeJubilee are falting steps in writing thehistory of mission work in an African voice and seeing it moulded also by African hands. Thechapter ends by asking whether Maqhamusela's story can touch contemporary communal interests.The issues around Oftebro' s first text and the loss of the corpse as impinging on the title accordedto Maqhamusela, and thus on public commemoration, are taken up in Chapter 6.Oftebro's refusal to refer to him as "martyr" emerges as calculated when placed into three contexts.The first is the pietistic eschatalogical spirituality and theology of the Norwegian missionaries;the second is that of the role missionaries when reporting violations of the "Coronationlaws" and of Christian executions in feeding Frere's war propaganda and public opinion inEngland; the third the missionary's hope to be able to return to his mission in Zululand, afterfleeing it in the second half of 1878.In the final chapter the various factors that led to the remembrance and public commemorationof Maqhamusela (sparse but not lacking altogether) is gathered and co-ordinated. Mattersthat require further investigation are listed in order to offer critique of the findings of this researchand to proceed further with historical inquiry into the spirituality of Lutherans inZululand. Since plying an academic study of spirituality is self-implicating I can gratefully attestto a growth in love and respect for her fellow Christians among the Zulus.
机译:个人动机和研究问题的提出提供了第1章的内容。本报告的第2章概述了已使用的方法,方法和技能。由于这是一项关于灵性的研究,因此必须确定将其作为一门学术性跨学科学科的可行性。长时间地列举了适合该特定问题的方法,方法和技能,最重要的方法是史学(书面和口头传统)和文学科学的方法。关于收集研究资料的时间框架,截止日期之后的解释性注释,超过该期限的日期将不再能将新材料纳入研究范围,并以Maqhamusela的名字拼写结束了本章。初步处理涉及第3章至第5章。第6条可以处理是否记得Maqhamusela,以及在哪些渠道和方式上被记住。第三章列出并描述了有关他的生死的最初文本,并试图对其可靠性和假设进行评估。在17个早期文献中,相对于随后各章的特定观点而言,与记忆和纪念问题直接相关的是1-8和15-17。第4章列出并解释了Maqhamusela的模式。除了书面文字,我还记得一个问题,这个问题在发现福勒牧师(Rev Fowler)和罗德斯牧师(Rev Rodseth)去世60年后可以收集有关所发生事件的新信息时变得尤为突出。显而易见的是,挪威宣教协会的传教士们的态度发生了变化,将祖鲁归信者包括在基督的见证中。随后的三份报告强调了其中一个受访者的说法:“整个领域都在他的脑海中。”如果记住马格哈姆瑟拉,那么问题是出于什么原因。第五章从索尔兹伯里对早期烈士的研究(1997:165ff)和曼德(Mandew,1997:113ff)的著作中,对布尔胡克大屠杀的以色列人的庆祝活动进行了理论收集。前者强调对公共纪念物的遗体和文字很重要,后者则遵循康纳顿(Connerton)的规定,公共利益助长了公共记忆。当应用于马格哈姆斯拉(Maqhamusela)的案例被记忆时,这些理论突出了本来可以避免引起注意的方面,即。尽管在石碑上题词的重要性,Oftebro的初次报告,尸体的消失以及Maqhamusela拒绝穿裤子的重要性,尽管他用衬衫遮盖了他的beshu。本章发现Stavems包括了Maqhamusela和其他Zulu。基督徒(资料来源13),尤其是《因祖瓦利耶》中的祖鲁素描,正在阻碍人们用非洲的声音书写传教工作的历史,并看到非洲人的双手也铸就了这一历史。本章的最后是询问Maqhamusela的故事是否可以触及当代的公共利益.Oftebro的拒绝在第6章中讨论了Oftebro的第一篇文字以及尸体遗失影响到Maqhamusela的头衔以及公共纪念的问题。称他为“烈士”是根据三种情况计算得出的。第一个是挪威传教士的虔诚的末世精神和神学;第二个是举报传教士在违反《加冕法》和基督教徒时的角色为执行弗雷尔的战争宣传和民意在英国执行死刑;第三个传教士寄希望于在1878年下半年逃离祖鲁兰之后返回他的传教团。在最后一章中,收集了导致对马格哈姆舍拉进行纪念和公开纪念的各种因素(稀疏但并非完全缺乏)。和协调。列出了需要进一步调查的事项,以便对本研究的结果提出批评,并进一步对祖鲁兰的路德教会的灵性进行历史性的探究。由于对灵性进行学术研究是自我暗示,所以我可以很感激地证明对祖鲁族中她的基督徒基督徒的爱和尊重的增长。

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