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首页> 外文期刊>The Environmental Law Reporter >Should There Be a Constitutional Right to a Clean/Healthy Environment?
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Should There Be a Constitutional Right to a Clean/Healthy Environment?

机译:是否应该有享有清洁/健康环境的宪法权利?

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When Congress restructured the FWPCA in 1972 to better ensure that the nation's water quality would be restored and maintained, it also restructured relationships among the United States, the states, the community of regulated entities, and the general public. In particular, by including citizen suit provisions in the 1972 Amendments, Congress created a citizen enforcement mechanism embodying both public rights and private rights. While demonstrably effective in improving the nation's water quality, this statutory structure does not fit neatly within the constitutional principles that the Rehnquist Court has chosen to emphasize—real Commerce Clause and federalism limitations on Congress' regulatory authority, states' rights, private property rights, and limited citizen access to the federal courts to implement federal regulatory schemes. At its most basic, under this Court, the Constitution does two things: structure the relationship between the federal and state governments; and protect citizens from the unwarranted intrusion of either government into a limited number of specified and penum-bral individual constitutional rights. There is no room in this view of the Constitution for private citizens' direct involvement in public law: citizens may sue to redress their own injuries, but they have no business using the federal courts to ensure that federal, state, and private polluters actually comply with federal environmental law. In response to the structural conundrum that private environmental enforcement thus poses, the Court has refused since 1972 to situate citizen suits within the Constitution as a public rights enforcement mechanism, as Professor Percival has pointed out. Instead, the Court has forced citizen suits into a private rights litigation model, requiring direct and individualized injury before citizens can sue anyone, regardless of the severity of the environmental harm being done or its blatant illegality; severely restricting citizens' ability to hold states to national environmental standards; and eliminating citizens' ability to punish federal violators. The statutory public rights that Congress envisioned in the CWA's citizen suit provision are somehow fundamentally at odds, in the Court's constitutional evaluation of that Act, with constitutional structure.
机译:国会在1972年对FWPCA进行重组以更好地确保恢复和维持美国的水质时,还重组了美国,各州,受规制实体社区和公众之间的关系。特别是,通过在1972年修正案中纳入公民诉讼条款,国会建立了既体现公共权利又体现私有权利的公民执行机制。这种法定结构在改善国家水质方面表现出明显的效果,但并不完全符合伦奎斯特法院选择强调的宪法原则-实际的商业条款和联邦制对国会监管权,州权利,私有财产权,以及公民进入联邦法院实施联邦监管计划的权限受到限制。从根本上说,宪法在本法院下有两件事:构建联邦政府与州政府之间的关系;并保护公民免受任一个政府无端地侵扰有限的特定和半数个人宪法权利的侵害。在《宪法》中,私人公民没有直接参与公法的余地:公民可以起诉以补救自己的伤害,但他们没有任何利用联邦法院确保联邦,州和私人污染者切实遵守的业务与联邦环境法。正如Percival教授所指出的那样,自1972年以来,针对私人环境执法所造成的结构难题,法院一直拒绝将公民诉讼作为公共权利执法机制纳入宪法。取而代之的是,法院将公民诉讼强制为私人权利诉讼模式,要求对公民提起直接和个别的伤害,然后公民才能起诉任何人,而不论造成环境损害的严重程度或公然的违法行为如何;严格限制公民拥有国家环境标准的能力;并消除公民惩罚联邦违规者的能力。国会在CWA的公民诉讼条款中所设想的法定公共权利,在法院对该宪法的宪法评价中,在某种程度上与宪法结构相抵触。

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