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首页> 外文期刊>Frontiers in Psychology >Elevation as a Grammatical and Semantic Category of Demonstratives
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Elevation as a Grammatical and Semantic Category of Demonstratives

机译:提升作为示威性的语法和语义类别

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In this paper I study semantic and pragmatic properties of elevational demonstratives by means of a typological investigation of 50 languages with elevational demonstratives from all across the globe. The four basic verticality values expressed by elevational demonstratives are UP, DOWN, LEVEL, and ACROSS. They can be ordered along the elevational hierarchy (UP/DOWN LEVEL/ACROSS), which reflects cross-linguistic tendencies in the expression of these values by demonstratives. Elevational values are frequently co-expressed with distance-based meanings of demonstratives, and it is almost always distal demonstratives that express elevation, whereas medial or proximal demonstratives can lack elevational distinctions. This means that elevational demonstratives largely refer to areas outside the peripersonal sphere in a similar way as simple distal demonstratives. In the proximal domain, fine grained semantic distinctions such as those encoded by elevational demonstratives are superfluous since this domain is accessible to the interlocuters who in the default case of a normal conversation are located in close proximity to each other. I then discuss metaphorical extensions of elevational demonstratives to non-spatial uses such as temporal and social deixis. There are a few languages in which elevational demonstratives with the meaning UP express the temporal meaning future, whereas the DOWN demonstratives encode past. This finding is particularly interesting in view of the widely-debated use of Mandarin Chinese spatial terms ‘up’ for past events and ‘down’ for future events, which show the opposite metaphorical extension. I finally examine areal tendencies and potential correlations between elevational demonstratives and the geographical location of speech communities in mountainous areas such as the Himalayas, the Papuan Highlands and the Caucasus. I tentatively conclude that languages spoken in similar topographic environments do not tend to have similar systems of elevational demonstratives if they belong to different language families.
机译:在本文中,我通过从全球各地的仰角示威者对50种语言进行了类型的语义和务实的性质。由高地证明表达的四个基本垂直度值升高,下降,水平。它们可以沿着高度层次结构(上/下>级别/跨越)订购,这反映了通过证明表达这些价值观的跨语言倾向。高度值经常与证明的距离的含义共同表达,它几乎总是表达高度的远端证明,而中间或近端证明缺乏高度的区别。这意味着高度证明在很大程度上以与简单的远端演示类似的方式指的是横向的区域。在近端域中,精细的语义区别,例如由升高演示编码的那些是多余的,因为在违规情况下,该域可以访问正常情况的默认情况下,彼此靠近邻近。然后,我讨论了对颞和社会德赛等非空间用途的高度证明的隐喻扩展。有几种语言的初步证明具有含义的含义,表达了时间的意义的未来,而下则证明了过去。考虑到对过去的事件的普通话的广泛辩论使用普通话,并“向下”来说,这一发现鉴于未来的事件的普通话,旨在表现出相反的隐喻延伸。我终于检查了大山区,诸如喜马拉雅山脉,屈原高地和高加索的山区讲话社区之间的面积倾向和地理位置。我暂时得出结论,如果他们属于不同的语言家庭,类似地形环境中所说的语言不会倾向于具有类似的高地证明系统。

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