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Sébastien Rioux, The Social Cost of Cheap Food: Labour and the Political Economy of Food Distribution in Britain, 1830–1914

机译:SébastienRIoux,廉价食品的社会成本:1830-1914英国劳动力和粮食分布的政治经济

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The book is a significant addition to the historiography of the British coal industry. However, it has limitations. Behind the sophisticated reading of sources and the deep understanding of the politics of specific coalfields there remains a tendency to view ‘direct action’ advocates and militants as victims of a trade union bureaucracy prone to stifling alternatives to what is described as the politics of Labourism. Moreover, the text suggests that the direct actionists were themselves “hamstrung by their parochialism.” (319) Such value judgements often mask complexity, nuance, and agency. This is one of many problems with the kind of counterfactual history that is advocated in the introduction and with particular narratives that have bedevilled Marxist perspectives on labour history throughout the twentieth century. As the author notes, giants of coal mining trade unionism such as Arthur Cook, Arthur Horner and Nye Bevan made compromises “in the name of pragmatism which as younger men they had scorned.” (313) One can only wonder what these men would have thought on the evening of 12 December 2019, when former mining seats such as Bolsover, Leigh, and Wrexham elected Conservative Members of Parliament.
机译:这本书是英国煤炭行业史学的重要补充。但是,它有局限性。背后的来源阅读和对特定煤田政治的深刻理解,仍然倾向于认为“直接行动”倡导者和武装分子作为工会官僚主义的受害者容易扼杀所谓的尚未被描述为劳动的政治。此外,文本表明,直接行动主义者本身就是“被他们的狭隘主义困扰”。 (319)此类价值判断通常掩盖复杂性,细微差别和代理。这是在引进和特殊叙述中倡导的诸多历史的诸多问题之一,这些叙述在二十世纪整个二十世纪劳动史上的劳动历史观点。作为作者笔记,煤炭挖掘工会巨头等亚瑟厨师,亚瑟哈默和纽约·伯瓦(Nye Bevan)妥协了“作为他们蔑视的年轻人的实用主义的名义。” (313)人们只能想知道这些人在2019年12月12日晚上想想的是,当前采矿席牌等议会等议员等矿业席位。

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