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Seditious Spaces

机译:煽动空间

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The title ‘Seditious Spaces’ is derived from one aspect of Britain’s colonial legacy in Malaysia (formerly Malaya): the Sedition Act 1948. While colonial rule may seem like it was a long time ago, Malaysia has only been independent for sixty-one years, after 446 years of colonial rule. The things that we take for granted today, such as democracy and all the rights it implies, are some of the more ironic legacies of colonialism that some societies, such as Malaysia, have had to figure out after centuries of subjugation. While not suggesting that post-colonial regimes should not be held accountable for their actions, it is ironic to see a BBC commentator grilling the leader of a Commonwealth state about repressive laws and regulations inherited from the colonial era. (Even the term ‘Commonwealth’ is itself ironic, implying shared wealth, in reality it commonly meant a colonised country was contributing to the wealth of the metropolitan centre).This research sought to understand how the trajectory of urban development, which is shaped by the colonial legacy, has produced the contemporary geography of contention in Malaysia. Given that public space is shaped by the colonial legacy, how does it facilitate or hinder street protests as a function of democracy, which is also a vestige of colonialism? To do this, rather than going into a long discussion about notions of public sphere and public space, much of which originated from Western traditions, I used postcoloniality as a lens for the topic1. By taking the concepts as a given, the postcolonial gaze allowed me to contextualise particular Malaysian conditions. In this thesis I argued that the postcolonial narrative (democracy, modernisation, development) is ambivalent precisely because the colonial narrative itself is ambivalent; there was no real break between colonisation and the present condition. I examined three aspects in particular. Firstly, colonial architecture as a subversive ‘third space’, where independence amplified the subversive quality of colonial architecture because of the power vacuum left after the colonisers had left. Secondly, postcolonial ‘amnesia’, where certain aspects of history were conveniently forgotten or others selectively remembered in the production of space to build a hegemonic vision of society. Finally, I looked at postcolonial mimicry, where the post-colonial society imitated either the former colonial master or some other references that fit within its narrative. These notions were mapped onto public space which not only provided the backdrop for dissent but also shaped its form and practices.Protest provided a direct line for the interrogation of just how democratic postcolonial public space actually is. The mobilisations, negotiations, and potential conflicts that arise from the moment a street protest is announced reveal a lot about the politics of space as much as the event itself. Public space comprises material and discursive spaces and, at the time of writing, included social media which has become part of the infrastructure of protest. The empirical part of this research came from the Bersih 4 protest in Kuala Lumpur, which took place from 29-30 August 2015.To ground the somewhat abstract postcolonial discussion, methods (outlined below) were used to collect and analyse data. Firstly, to understand the logic behind the control and surveillance of public space I reviewed literature on how architecture and public space are produced and governed in Malaysia. Secondly, I observed protest in both digital and material public space, which means I harvested social-media data about the protest but also observed street protests in Kuala Lumpur. This informed me how protest produces space within which protesters could foster a collective identity, something that is necessary for the continuity of the protest. I then conducted a thematic analysis on a large number of tweets collected during the protest to understand how information about their places were communicated. Other protests that have taken place in Kuala Lumpur since 1998, when new media started playing a role, were also mapped; this was crucial for the understanding of the spatial patterns of the protests.By tracing the production of architecture in Malaysia we can see how the nation-building project was an ambivalent one, evidenced by how the state mapped their aspirations onto the built environment. Postcolonial amnesia is exhibited in how the Malay-Muslim identity is amplified in architecture while other identities were suppressed and only utilised when it seemed productive. Mimicry, on the other hand, can be seen in how certain architecture is created based on an imagined past, and how visions of modernity fluctuate between Occidental and Orientalist visual cues.Malaysian public space is not only a colonial legacy in terms of its material infrastructure and regulations, it also carries traces of colonial practice. Here, mimicry was manifested in how society imita
机译:标题“煽动性地点”是英国殖民遗产的一个方面,马来西亚(原始马来亚):1948年的煽动法。虽然殖民统治似乎是很久以前,马来西亚只有六十一年独立,在446年的殖民统治之后。我们认为今天所认为的事情,如民主和所有暗示的所有权利,是一些殖民主义的一些更讽刺的遗产,即一些社会,如马来西亚,也不得不弄清楚几个世纪的征服之后。虽然没有暗示殖民后制度不应对他们的行为持责任,但它是讽刺意味的是,看到一个BBC评论员猜测了英联邦国家的领导者关于从殖民时代遗传的镇压法和法规。 (即使是“英联邦”一词本身也是讽刺意味的是,暗示共享财富,实际上它通常意味着殖民地国家正在为大都市中心的财富贡献)。这项研究试图了解城市发展的轨迹如何形成殖民遗产,在马来西亚产生了当代地理学。鉴于公共空间被殖民遗产塑造,它如何促进或妨碍街道抗议,作为民主的职能,这也是殖民主义的遗迹?为此做到这一点,而不是探讨了关于公共领域和公共空间的概念,其中大部分来自西方传统,我将PostColoniality用作主题的镜头1。通过将概念作为给定,后殖民望凝视使我能够在特定的马来西亚条件下进行上下禅。在本文中,我认为后殖民叙述(民主,现代化,发展)是矛盾的,因为殖民叙事本身是矛盾的;殖民化与现状之间没有真正的休息。我特别检查了三个方面。首先,殖民体系结构作为颠覆性的“第三空间”,其中独立放大了殖民地架构的颠覆质量,因为殖民者留下后留下的功率真空。其次,后殖民主义的“艾尼斯”,历史的某些方面方面是方便地忘记或其他人在生产空间中选择性地记住,建立社会的霸权愿景。最后,我看着后殖民地学的模仿,后殖民社会模仿前殖民主体硕士或一些适合其叙述的其他参考文献。这些概念被映射到公共空间上,这不仅为反异的背景提供了背景,而且还要塑造其形式和实践。最重要的是询问民主后殖民公共空间实际上的询问。从街头抗议活动中出现的动员,谈判和潜在的冲突宣布宣布尽可能多地揭示关于空间的政治。公共空间包括材料和话语空间,在撰写本文时,包括社交媒体,已成为抗议基础设施的一部分。这项研究的经验部分来自于吉隆坡的博尔斯四抗议,从2015年8月29日至30日开始。在稍微抽象的后殖民讨论,使用方法(下面概述)来收集和分析数据。首先,了解公共空间控制和监测背后的逻辑,我回顾了在马来西亚产生和管辖的建筑和公共空间的文献。其次,我观察了数字和物质公共空间的抗议,这意味着我收集了关于抗议的社交媒体数据,也是观察到吉隆坡的街道抗议活动。这告诉我抗议如何生产抗议者可以促进集体身份的空间,这是抗议连续性所必需的。然后,我对在抗议期间收集的大量推文进行了主题分析,以了解他们的地方的信息是如何传达的。自1998年以来,在吉隆坡自1998年发生的其他抗议活动,当新媒体开始发挥作用时,也被映射;这对理解抗议活动的空间模式至关重要。在马来西亚追踪建筑的生产我们可以看出国家建设项目是如何矛盾的,这证明了国家如何将他们的愿望绘制到建筑环境上。后殖民记忆尼似乎是如何在架构中放大的马来语 - 穆斯林标识,而其他身份被抑制,只有在似乎富有成效时才使用。另一方面,模仿可以在某些架构基于想象的过去创建某些架构中,以及如何在佛尚和东方主义视觉线索之间的现代性波动的视觉。alaysian公共空间不仅是其材料基础设施方面的殖民遗产和法规,它还携带殖民范法的痕迹。在这里,模仿体现在社会的方式

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