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Northern Europe’s Arctic Defence Agenda

机译:北欧的北极防御议程

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The demise of the Soviet Union and the decade-long atrophy of the military capabilities of the Russian Federation significantly reduced the importance of the Arctic in the minds of Western defence planners. But even as the northern European allies and their non-NATO neighbours adjusted their defence spending to suit the new strategic environment, an awareness of the importance of co-operation across a broad range of security endeavours remained. In recent years a region widely considered to have been neglected by policy-makers and defence planners immediately after the Cold War has enjoyed something of a renaissance in the security discourse. This essay will explore the contemporary defence policies of select European Nordic states as they pertain to the Arctic, as well as the potential roles of two major international organizations in which these countries hold membership(s) - NATO and the European Union (EU). Following a brief examination of each state's view of the Nordic strategic picture and a review of contemporary policy guidance, the defence postures and future plans of each state and organization will be examined. The future of Nordic defence, including interactions with the EU and NATO, will be viewed through the lens of the Stoltenberg Report - the product of high-level consultations between the states under examination.The picture that emerges is one in which the Nordic allies and partners - Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Sweden, Finland - are intent on creating forces that are more usable and deployable than was the case under the previous system of mass mobilization. All more or less agree on the factors driving the new pre-occupation with the north, even if their level of military interest in the region varies. All states emphasizepresence - that is, the ability of national authorities to freelyoperate in areas under which they claim sovereignty. All value the contribution of other government departments to overall security - in particular, para-military forces wielding what could be termed "semi-hard" power. The latter stems from a belief that northern security challenges are multi-dimensional, and that presence and control does notalways require a display of kinetic strength, as was the case during the Cold War.
机译:苏联的灭亡和俄罗斯联邦十年来的军事能力萎缩大大降低了北极在西方国防计划制定者心目中的重要性。但是,即使北欧盟国及其非北约邻国调整了国防开支以适应新的战略环境,人们仍然意识到在广泛的安全努力中进行合作的重要性。近年来,冷战结束后立即被政策制定者和国防计划制定者忽视的地区在安全领域中正处于复兴之势。本文将探讨与北欧有关的某些欧洲北欧国家的当代防务政策,以及北约和欧盟(EU)这两个成员国所隶属的两个主要国际组织的潜在作用。在简要审查了每个州对北欧战略构想的看法并回顾了现代政策指导之后,将检查每个州和组织的防御态势和未来计划。北欧防务的未来,包括与欧盟和北约的互动,将通过《斯托尔滕贝格报告》的视角来审视,该报告是受审议国家之间进行高层磋商的产物。合作伙伴-挪威,丹麦,冰岛,瑞典,芬兰-旨在创建比以前的大规模动员制度更为有效和部署的部队。尽管北部地区对军事的兴趣程度有所不同,但他们或多或少都同意推动北部新占领的因素。所有国家都强调存在-即国家主管部门在其主张主权的地区自由开展活动的能力。所有人都珍视其他政府部门对整体安全的贡献-特别是准军事力量发挥着所谓的“半硬”力量。后者源于一种信念,即北方安全挑战是多方面的,而且存在和控制并不一定像冷战时期那样需要表现出动能。

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