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首页> 外文期刊>Journal of Military and Strategic Studies >Chasing Sunflowers: Personal Firsthand Observations of the Student Occupation of the Legislative Yuan and Popular Protests in Taiwan, 18 March – 10 April 2014
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Chasing Sunflowers: Personal Firsthand Observations of the Student Occupation of the Legislative Yuan and Popular Protests in Taiwan, 18 March – 10 April 2014

机译:追逐向日葵:2014年3月18日至4月10日,台湾学生对立法院学生的职业和民意抗议的第一手资料

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The Sunflower Student Movement in Taiwan (March-April 2014) was an authentic public cri de coeur over the political fate and destiny of the island. What started out as a storming and occupation of the island's legislature by activists opposed to the controversial Trade in Services Agreement quickly became a much broader public protest against the ruling Kuomintang party's apparent lack of concern about the political dimensions and implications of ever-increasing economic integration of the fiercely and proudly democratic island with the People’s Republic of China, a state on the mainland run by a ruthless anti-democratic dictatorship. The Sunflower Movement has changed some minds in Taiwan, but how many still remains unclear. It seems likely that most people on the island who support the Kuomintang and the trade in services agreement and who have values higher than freedom, democracy, and human rights will continue to see the Sunflower Movement as a civil disturbance launched by left-wing academic ideologues bent on stirring up trouble among lazy, spoiled students and the island’s economically innumerate rabble. The story is quite different with a large and growing segment of the electorate that values Taiwan’s democratic system above all else. They have put Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan’s now wildly unpopular pro-China president, on notice that he will no longer have a relatively easy time using economic integration with the PRC to nudge the island gradually and incrementally towards political control by Beijing. Taiwan's economic integration with the PRC will likely continue, but now less ineluctably towards political unification than before. It is not likely that a majority of Taiwan’s electorate would willingly and wittingly trade their political birthright for a mess of economic pottage. Strategically, this means that the so-called Taiwan issue will likely linger on for longer than had previously been expected. Mao may have been right in 1975 when he speculated to Henry Kissinger that the ultimate resolution of Taiwan’s status might take a hundred years.
机译:台湾的向日葵学生运动(2014年3月至4月)是一场关于岛上政治命运和命运的真实公共危机。反对有争议的服务贸易协定的激进主义者开始激进并占领该岛的立法机关,这很快就引起了广泛的公众抗议,抗议执政的国民党显然对政治规模及其日益增长的经济一体化的影响缺乏关注中华人民共和国是一个残酷而自豪的民主岛国,中国大陆是由残酷的反民主专政统治的国家。向日葵运动改变了台湾的一些想法,但仍有多少不清楚。岛上大多数支持国民党和服务贸易协定,价值高于自由,民主和人权的人似乎将继续把向日葵运动视为左翼学术思想家发起的内乱。致力于在懒惰的,被宠坏的学生和岛上经济上无数的混乱中激起麻烦。故事的情况大不相同,因为大部分选民越来越重视台湾的民主制度。他们让台湾现如今极为不受欢迎的亲中国家主席马英九注意到,他将不再有一个相对轻松的时间,利用与中国的经济一体化逐步逐步地将该岛推向北京的政治控制。台湾与中国的经济整合可能会持续下去,但现在比以往更加不可避免地要实现政治统一。台湾的大多数选民不太可能会故意并有意地将其政治名誉权换成一团糟的经济实力。从战略上讲,这意味着所谓的台湾问题可能会持续比预期更长的时间。毛泽东在1975年向亨利·基辛格(Henry Kissinger)推测台湾地位的最终解决可能需要一百年,也许是对的。

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