首页> 外文期刊>International Affairs and Global Strategy >The Ecowas Protocol, Emerging Military Threats and the Relapse of Democracy in West Africa: Lessons from Cote D′Lvoire and Niger Republic.
【24h】

The Ecowas Protocol, Emerging Military Threats and the Relapse of Democracy in West Africa: Lessons from Cote D′Lvoire and Niger Republic.

机译:《埃科瓦斯议定书》,新出现的军事威胁和西非民主的再度:科特迪瓦和尼日尔共和国的经验教训。

获取原文
           

摘要

Several scholars of International diplomacy and policy analysis (Zounmenou and Loua, 2011 Gbeho, 2011, Erunke 2012; Bah and Kwesi, 2012) have attempted to redefine the increasing roles of the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS), which has of late, traversed the confines of regional economic growth and stability, regional cooperation and trade linkage between and amongst member states within the west Africa sub-region to a more or less political and security concerns. This is ideological persuasion by intelligentsia is informed by the need to expand the socio- economic horizon of the sub-regional group to encompass diverse interests, engender and deepen democratic space, instil good corporate governance and ultimately guarantee continuity in constitutionally sanctioned governance pattern in Africa in line with international best standards and practices. Consequently, the emerging trends of military interregnum and mindless intervention through the barrel of the gun (which of course, is considered to be a culpable aberration) no longer finds a pride of place in the minds and hearts of all well meaning democracy and patriots alike. Hence the dire need and unequivocal quest for a constitutionally validated system of governmental operations in all its contents and character. This tendency informs the distaste for military autocracy, dictatorship and other Unitarianism and the entire philosophies it proclaims, and any attempt to plunge the West African enclave to this ugly monumental soldiering stands to be vigorously resisted with every sense of concern and vindictiveness. However, of recent past the entire Africa state system appears to have relapsed and wondered backward towards the path of the old order of coup d’etat, which is a characteristic of the continental albatross dating back to the early days and years of the emergence of colonialism in the 1960s (Erunke and Lemun,2012). Thus, the defining ideologies of this political era, which was literally domineering, exploitative and repugnant to fundamental social change raised a lot of critical questions in the sub-consciousness of pan - Africanists - the likes of Kwame Nkurumah of Ghana, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, W.E.B Du Bois of the black American Negro world, to mention but a few. These radical scholars therefore constituted arrow heads who fought gallantly for the freedom and emancipation of Africa and African Diaspora from the tutelage of slavery (Erunke and Lemun, 2012), therefore fostering the quest for self-determination of the entire black race. Nonetheless the freedom sought for was to help locate and redefine African path to greatness through group consciousness, regional integration and cooperation geared towards setting up widely acceptable group values in the interest of the entire region, nay, continent (Bah and Kwesi, 2012). Aside form the socio-economic dynamics of ECOWAS as an institution, there has been an increasing push to diversify these roles beyond economic integration to matters of politics which has constituted the determining force in the sub-region. Politics in the wider usage here incorporates issues of war, peace, conflict resolution, dialogue and the entire gamut revolving around the preservation of the dictates of the constitution of the land to avoid undue pressures from social forces within the system. Significantly, Loua and Zoumenou (2011) then argued further that first, in 1991, ECOWAS adopted a declaration on political principles that took into consideration governance issues as a way of intensifying peace, guide the constitution of member states as well as enhance security efforts. However, the declaration was never, fully implemented as its scope was limited and hence, lacked critical political support. Moreover, on 24th July, 1993, ECOWAS reviewed its founding Treaty in Cotonou and in 1999, it adopted a protocol relating to the mechanisms for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peace-keeping, Security and democratic stability, respectively. It can be argued here by way of observation that all of these developments constituted the institutional and normative transformation process of the organization as far as peace, security and democratic stability is concerned. By extension, however, it can be said that there are a number of innovations in the revised treaty. Nevertheless, the principle of gradually introducing super nationality to the implementation of community decisions was one of the major changes introduced. For example, in the preamble of the treaty, ECOWAS leaders stated that the integration of member states into a viable regional community may demand the partial and gradual pooling of national sovereignties to the community within the context of the collective political will (Loua et al, 2011). It follows logically that the incorporation of a security dimension in the integration project and the bold stance taken so far to address issues of governance and politica
机译:几位国际外交和政策分析学者(Zounmenou和Loua,2011 Gbeho,2011; Erunke,2012; Bah和Kwesi,2012)试图重新定义西非经济共同体(ECOWAS)日益重要的作用,在或多或少的政治和安全问题上,穿越了西非次区域内各成员国之间的区域经济增长与稳定,区域合作和贸易联系的界限。知识界的这种思想说服是因为需要扩大该次区域集团的社会经济视野,以涵盖多样化的利益,建立和加深民主空间,灌输良好的公司治理,并最终确保非洲受到宪法批准的治理模式的连续性符合国际最佳标准和惯例。因此,军备政府间的新趋势和通过枪管进行无意识的干预(当然,这被认为是一种可恶的畸变)不再在所有善意民主和爱国者的思想和心中占有一席之地。因此,迫切需要和明确寻求在所有内容和特征上都经过宪法验证的政府运作体系。这种趋势引起了人们对军事独裁,独裁统治和其他一神论及其所宣扬的全部哲学的厌恶,并且任何使西非飞地陷入这种丑陋的巨大兵役的企图都将以各种关切和报复感遭到强烈抵抗。然而,最近整个非洲国家体系似乎已经复发,并向往旧政变的道路向后倒退,这是大陆信天翁的特征,可以追溯到非洲出现的初期和几年。 1960年代的殖民主义(Erunke and Lemun,2012)。因此,这个政治时代的决定性意识形态实际上是霸道,剥削性的,对基本社会变革的反感,在泛非洲主义者的潜意识中提出了许多关键问题,例如加纳的夸梅·恩库鲁玛,尼日利亚的纳南迪·阿齐基圭,坦桑尼亚的Julius Nyerere,美国黑人黑人世界的WEB Du Bois,仅举几例。因此,这些激进的学者组成了箭头,为奴隶制的束缚而为非洲和非洲侨民的自由和解放进行了英勇的斗争(Erunke和Lemun,2012年),从而促进了对整个黑人种族的自决的追求。然而,寻求的自由是通过群体意识,区域整合与合作来帮助定位和重新定义非洲通往伟大的道路,旨在建立被广泛接受的群体价值,以符合整个地区,整个国家,整个非洲大陆的利益(Bah and Kwesi,2012)。除了西非经共体作为一个机构的社会经济动态之外,人们日益推动使这些角色多样化,从经济一体化到政治事务,而政治事务已构成该分区域的决定性力量。这里广泛使用的政治包括战争,和平,解决冲突,对话和整个范围,都围绕着保留土地宪法的规定,以避免系统内社会力量的不适当压力。值得注意的是,Loua和Zoumenou(2011)进一步指出,西非经共体首先在1991年通过了一项政治原则宣言,其中考虑到治理问题,以此作为加强和平,指导成员国宪法以及加强安全努力的一种方式。但是,由于该宣言的范围有限,因此从未得到充分执行,因此缺乏关键的政治支持。此外,1993年7月24日,西非经共体审查了其在科托努的创始条约,并于1999年通过了一项分别关于预防冲突,管理,解决,维持和平,安全和民主稳定机制的议定书。在这里可以通过观察认为,就和平,安全与民主稳定而言,所有这些事态发展构成了该组织的体制和规范转变过程。但是,可以扩展地说,修订后的条约有许多创新。但是,逐步将超国籍原则引入社区决定的实施是所引入的重大变化之一。例如,西非经共体领导人在该条约的序言中指出,将成员国纳入一个可行的区域共同体可能要求在集体政治意愿的背景下将国家主权部分和逐步地集中到该共同体上(Loua等, 2011)。从逻辑上讲,在集成项目中加入了安全性方面,以及迄今为止为解决治理和政治问题所采取的大胆态度

著录项

相似文献

  • 外文文献
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号