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Beyond the Distinction Between Biomedical and Social Dimensions of HIV Prevention Through the Lens of a Social Public Health

机译:从社会公共卫生的角度看,艾滋病预防的生物医学和社会层面之间的区别

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Developing effective HIV prevention requires that we move beyond the historical but problematic distinction between biomedical and social dimensions of HIV. The current claim that prevention has failed has led to a strong interest in the role of treatment as HIV prevention; however, the turn to “biomedical prevention,” “test and treat,” and “combination prevention” instances pervasive confusions about prevention. These confusions arise from a failure to realize that all HIV prevention interventions must engage with the everyday lives of people and be integrated into their social relations and social practices. We challenge the claim that prevention has failed (illustrating this with discussion of prevention in Australia, Uganda, and Zimbabwe). We explain the enduring appeal of misguided approaches to prevention by examining how 1996 can be seen as a pivotal moment in the history of the global response to HIV, a moment marked by the rise and fall of distinct biomedical and social narratives of HIV. ALTHOUGH SOME RECOGNITION of disease as having a social dimension is arguably one of the cornerstones of public health, how exactly to conceptualize and respond to the social aspects of disease is highly contested. These questions are particularly pressing when it comes to the deeply intimate social practices involved in HIV transmission. Sexual intercourse and the sharing of drug injection equipment are strongly shaped and regulated by cultural and social norms, and preventing HIV transmission demands a deep engagement with the social, cultural, and political factors that produce vulnerability and risk. To be effective, all HIV-prevention technologies, including those that are called biomedical, must engage with the lived world of those at risk for infection. Hence, the contemporary distinction between biomedical, behavioral, and structural forms of prevention functions to cloud our understanding of what effective prevention is and the mechanisms involved in its effectiveness. If one reflects on the history of HIV prevention, two narratives emerge: a biomedical and a social narrative. As noted as early as 1993, these two contesting interpretations contrast individualistic and collective views of disease. 1 The focus of prevention in the biomedical narrative is on the individual members of populations who are understood as rational neo-liberal agents who, when counseled by experts, adopt the prevention technologies advocated or change their behavior to reduce HIV transmission. Within this narrative, failure to do so is interpreted as an individual weakness of some kind or a function of some “vulnerability” occasioned by “social structures” such as poverty or gender. The social narrative, rather than focusing on individuals, is concerned with relations between persons and on how sexual and other practices that place persons at risk for HIV transmission are produced as well as transformed to reduce risk. The focus is on communities and networks and the manner in which these collectives interact with the virus, with biomedicine, and with the state and other institutions and are thus enabled (or not) to respond effectively and sometimes creatively to the threat of HIV and AIDS. We examined the responses of the biomedical and the social sciences to the challenges of HIV prevention—their collaboration and its absence. We argue that the dominant focus of HIV-related discourse and policies has always been biomedical with a particular emphasis on treatment. This has recently been so much so that the insights that social sciences might offer about the social life of the virus, a social life that is integral to its transmission and so to HIV as a medical entity, are occluded. The importance of biomedicine is clearly evident in the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS; 2006) 2 timeline covering the defining moments in HIV from 1981 to 2006 ( see the box on this page ), and this importance has grown since 2006. Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS timeline Year Twenty-Five Years of AIDS (1981–2006) 1981 Young gay man “diagnosed” with devastating immune deficiency in the United States 1982 Acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) named 1983 Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) was identified as the cause of AIDS and the heterosexual epidemic revealed in Africa 1985 Test to detect HIV in infected persons with no symptoms developed—HIV test 1986 Global Network of People Living with HIV/AIDS (GNP+) founded 1987 Global Program on AIDS (World Health Organization) was established in recognition of a global epidemic 1987 First therapy for AIDS—AZT (zidovudine)—developed 1993 In 1991 to 1993, HIV prevalence in young pregnant women in Uganda and in young men in Thailand begins to decrease, the first major downturn in developing countries 1994 First treatment regimen to reduce mother-to-child transmission developed 1996 Comparatively successful antiretroviral treatment (ART) developed 1996 Joint United Nations Progra
机译:发展有效的艾滋病毒预防要求我们超越艾滋病毒在生物医学和社会方面的历史性但有问题的区分。目前关于预防失败的说法引起了人们对治疗作为艾滋病毒预防作用的浓厚兴趣;但是,转向“生物医学预防”,“测试和治疗”以及“联合预防”的实例普遍对预防产生了混淆。这些困惑源于未能意识到所有艾滋病毒预防干预措施都必须与人们的日常生活息息相关,并融入他们的社会关系和社会实践中。我们质疑预防失败的说法(通过在澳大利亚,乌干达和津巴布韦讨论预防来说明这一点)。我们通过研究如何将1996年视为对艾滋病的全球应对历史上的关键时刻,来解释预防误导方法的持久吸引力,这一时刻以艾滋病独特的生物医学和社会叙述的兴衰为标志。尽管对疾病具有某种社会意义的某些认识可以说是公共卫生的基石之一,但如何准确地概念化和应对疾病的社会方面却受到了极大的争议。当涉及艾滋病毒传播的深层亲密社会实践时,这些问题尤为紧迫。性交和毒品注射设备的共享受到文化和社会规范的强烈影响和监管,防止艾滋病毒传播需要与产生脆弱性和风险的社会,文化和政治因素进行深入互动。为使之有效,所有的艾滋病毒预防技术,包括被称为生物医学的技术,都必须与存在感染风险的人们的生活世界互动。因此,预防的生物医学,行为和结构形式之间的当代区别使我们对什么是有效的预防以及其有效性所涉及的机制的理解变得模糊。如果回顾一下艾滋病预防的历史,就会出现两种叙述:一种生物医学叙述和一种社会叙述。正如早在1993年所指出的那样,这两种相互竞争的解释对比了疾病的个人主义和集体观点。 1在生物医学叙事中,预防的重点是被理解为理性的新自由主义者的个体个体,在专家的建议下,他们采用提倡的预防技术或改变其行为以减少艾滋病毒的传播。在这种叙述中,不这样做被解释为某种个体的弱点或某种由“社会结构”(例如贫困或性别)引起的“脆弱性”的作用。社会叙事而不是关注个人,它关注的是人与人之间的关系,以及如何产生和改变使人处于感染艾滋病毒危险中的性行为和其他行为,以及如何改变这些行为以降低风险。重点是社区和网络,以及这些集体与病毒,生物医学以及与国家和其他机构的相互作用方式,因此能够(或不能够)对艾滋病毒和艾滋病的威胁进行有效的,有时是创造性的反应。我们研究了生物医学和社会科学对艾滋病毒预防挑战的反应-他们的合作与否。我们认为,与艾滋病有关的话语和政策的主要焦点一直是生物医学,特别是治疗。最近发生了如此多的事情,以至于社会科学对病毒的社会生活,对病毒传播不可或缺的社会生活以及作为医疗实体的HIV所提供的见解都被封闭了。生物医学的重要性在联合国艾滋病毒/艾滋病联合规划(UNAIDS; 2006)2时间表中已很明显地体现出来,该时间表涵盖了1981年至2006年艾滋病毒的决定性时刻(请参见本页上的方框),并且自2006年以来,这种重要性日益增长。联合国艾滋病毒/艾滋病联合规划时间表艾滋病二十五年(1981–2006年)1981年“男同性恋者”被诊断出患有严重的免疫缺陷1982年获得免疫缺陷综合症(AIDS),命名为1983年人类免疫缺陷病毒(HIV)被确认为是AIDS的病因,并在非洲发现了异性恋流行病。1985年进行了检测,以检测没有症状的感染者中的HIV-HIV测试1986年,全球艾滋病毒/艾滋病患者网络(GNP +)建立了1987年建立艾滋病(世界卫生组织)是为了表彰全球流行病。1987年开发了第一种AIDS治疗方法-AZT(齐多夫定)。1991年至1993年,乌干达和乌干达的年轻孕妇中HIV流行率高泰国的年轻人开始减少,发展中国家的第一次严重衰退1994年制定了减少母婴传播的第一种治疗方案1996年开发了相对成功的抗逆转录病毒疗法(ART)1996年,联合国

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