首页> 外文期刊>Cornell international law journal >Prosecuting Saddam: The Coalition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal
【24h】

Prosecuting Saddam: The Coalition Provisional Authority and the Evolution of the Iraqi Special Tribunal

机译:起诉萨达姆:联合临时当局与伊拉克特别法庭的演变

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例
获取外文期刊封面目录资料

摘要

The International Criminal Court has no temporal jurisdiction over the crimes that occurred under Saddam's rule. Tensions in the Security Council meant that there could be no realistic hope of rallying the necessary support to create an ad hoc tribunal for Iraq. Equally, the strained nature of relations between the U.N. Secretariat and the Bush administration meant that a Special Court in the Sierra Leone model was also likely unattainable. Yet with human rights groups estimating that 250,000-290,000 people had lost their lives, the crimes of Saddam Hussein's regime cried out for justice. The creation of the IST was the only judicial option open to the CPA and it honors the principle enshrined in Article 17 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court that cases should, where possible, be resolved at a local level unless the state in question "is unwilling or unable genuinely" to take this on. Political reservations about this process are both inevitable and understandable. It will fall to the IST to answer these reservations by demonstrating its fitness for the task at hand. But neutral parties and those interested in seeing atrocity crimes addressed should at least wish the tribunal well as it struggles to meet high expectations. This is an Iraqi court seeking to address the needs of Iraqi victims and to apply international legal standards. Taken in isolation, whatever your political point of view, it is difficult to see how this could be regarded as a bad thing. Even though this may not be the best case scenario for some, surely it is better than the alternative: deadlock, inaction, and impunity. Every international tribunal established to date has struggled with limitations of one sort or another and yet rightly we persevere. The great lesson of international criminal justice has been that we should not allow the best to become the enemy of the good.
机译:国际刑事法院对在萨达姆统治下发生的罪行没有临时管辖权。安全理事会中的紧张局势意味着,没有任何现实希望能够集结必要的支持以建立伊拉克问题特设法庭。同样,联合国秘书处与布什政府之间关系的紧张性质意味着塞拉利昂模式下的特别法院也有可能无法实现。然而,根据人权组织的估计,有25万至29万人丧生,萨达姆·侯赛因政权的罪行为正义而大声疾呼。成立IST是向CPA开放的唯一司法选择,它尊重《国际刑事法院罗马规约》第17条所载的原则,即在可能的情况下,案件应在地方一级解决,除非所涉州“不愿意或不能真正地”接受这一点。对这一过程的政治保留是不可避免的,也是可以理解的。 IST将通过证明其适合当前任务来回答这些保留。但是,中立政党和那些有兴趣看到犯下暴行罪的人至少应该祝愿法庭在努力满足人们高期望的过程中表现良好。这是一家伊拉克法院,旨在解决伊拉克受害者的需求并适用国际法律标准。孤立地看,无论您的政治观点如何,都很难看出这是一件坏事。即使对于某些人来说,这可能不是最好的情况,但肯定比替代方案更好:死锁,无所作为和有罪不罚。迄今为止建立的每个国际法庭都在为某种限制而斗争,但是我们坚持不懈是正确的。国际刑事司法的伟大教训是,我们不应让最好的人成为善良的敌人。

著录项

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号