...
首页> 外文期刊>Chinese Journal of International Law >The Bush Doctrine Revisited: The 2006 National Security Strategy of the USA
【24h】

The Bush Doctrine Revisited: The 2006 National Security Strategy of the USA

机译:再谈布什主义:美国2006年国家安全战略

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例

摘要

In its 2006 National Security Strategy, the USA reaffirms the controversial doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence as crucial in the “war on terror” proclaimed after the attacks of 9/11. But it does not provide a detailed examination of pre-emption. The questions left open in the 2002 US National Security Strategy as to what will trigger pre-emptive action, when action against non-State actors will be permissible and what degree of force will be proportionate in pre-emptive action are still unresolved. The promise that “The reasons for our actions will be clear, the force measured and the cause just” does not offer much in the way of specific guidance. It is very striking that in this context, the US strategy makes no reference to international law or to the role of the UN Security Council. The other main focus of the strategy is on the “promotion of democracy”, but it does not go so far as to assert any legal right to use force for this purpose, and it makes only passing reference to humanitarian intervention. The EU 2003 Security Strategy provides a marked contrast in that it does not adopt the doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence, does not expressly identify “rogue States” and does profess respect for international law and for the role of the UN. Other States have not generally shown themselves willing to accept a Bush doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence. They agree that there are new threats facing the world from international terrorists and the danger of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, but the 2005 World Summit showed clearly that there is no general acceptance of pre-emptive action. Moreover, the International Court of Justice still follows a cautious approach to self-defence. The 2006 National Security Strategy largely reaffirms the doctrines of the earlier 2002 Strategy, but whereas the focus in the 2002 Strategy was on the threat posed by Iraq and North Korea; attention has now shifted to Iran and Syria, accused of being State sponsors of terror by Hizbollah and Al-Qaida. The article ends with a discussion of the recent conflict in Lebanon: this raised the crucial question whether the war on terror gave Israel a wide right to use force, even a pre-emptive right. The conflict highlights dramatically the practical significance of the divisions on the scope of the law of self-defence with regard to action against non-State actors, pre-emption and proportionality.
机译:美国在其2006年《国家安全战略》中重申,有争议的先发制人自卫主义对于9/11袭击后宣布的“反恐战争”至关重要。但是它没有提供对抢占的详细检查。关于什么将触发先发制人的行动,何时允许对非国家行为者采取行动以及在先发制人的行动中应采用何种程度的武力,尚待解决的问题是2002年美国国家安全战略。 “明确我们行动的原因,衡量力量和公正原因”的承诺并没有以具体指导的方式提供太多帮助。令人惊讶的是,在这种情况下,美国战略没有提及国际法或联合国安理会的作用。该战略的另一个主要重点是“促进民主”,但它并没有主张为此目的使用武力的任何合法权利,而只是提及人道主义干预。欧盟2003年《安全战略》与之形成鲜明对比,因为它没有采用先发制人的自卫主义,没有明确指出“流氓国家”,并且确实尊重国际法和联合国的作用。其他国家通常没有表现出愿意接受布什先发制人的自卫主义的意愿。他们一致认为,国际恐怖分子正面临着世界面临的新威胁以及大规模毁灭性武器扩散的危险,但2005年世界首脑会议清楚地表明,普遍没有采取先发制人的行动。此外,国际法院仍然对自卫采取谨慎的态度。 2006年的《国家安全战略》在很大程度上重申了早先的《 2002年战略》的学说,而2002年战略的重点是伊拉克和朝鲜所构成的威胁;现在的注意力已经转移到伊朗和叙利亚,被指控是真主党和基地组织的恐怖活动国家赞助者。文章最后讨论了黎巴嫩最近的冲突:这引发了关键问题,即反恐战争是否赋予了以色列广泛的使用武力的权利,甚至是先发制人的权利。冲突戏剧性地突出了在针对非国家行为者,先发制人和相称性行为的自卫法范围上进行区分的实际意义。

著录项

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号