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The Elite, Populists, and Public Policy

机译:精英,民粹主义者和公共政策

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摘要

In the course of criticizing the extension of the franchise, Walter Bagehot (1873, xxiii) expressed the fear "that both our political parties will bid for the support of the working man; that both of them will promise to do as he likes if he will only tell them what it is....I can conceive of nothing more corrupting or worse for a set of poor ignorant people than that two combinations of well-taught and rich men should constantly offer to defer to their decision, and compete for the office of executing it. Vox populi will be vox diaboli."We will have "the supremacy of ignorance over instruction and of numbers over knowledge." These sentiments have continued into the allegedly more democratic world of a century and a half later. We have entered a new and dangerous age of populism. Populists succeed when they appeal to the passions of voters, rousing them through fear and anger to reject the messy compromises that are intrinsic to a politics of moderation, and to look for scapegoat targets upon which they can vent their frustrations. Populists of the right have embraced nativism and populists of the left have targeted Wall Street and kindled class war. For more than a decade, populism has undermined Congress as an institution, leading to increased partisan polarization and representatives who find it difficult to seek compromises for fear of being challenged in primaries by partisan hardliners (Brand 2016).
机译:在批评特许经营权的延伸过程中,沃尔特Bagehot(1873年,XXIII)表示担心“我们的政党都将竞标工作人员的支持;他们认为如果他喜欢他喜欢这样做只会告诉他们它是什么......我可以设想一套贫穷的无知者的腐蚀或更糟的是,而不是教授和富人的男子的两个组合应该不断提议推迟他们的决定,并争夺执行它的办公室。Vox Populi将是Vox Diaboli。“我们将在知识上的指令和数字的令人无知的至高无上。”这些情绪继续进入据称更多的一个世纪民主世界,以后一半。我们已进入民粹主义的新危险。民粹主义者在呼吁选民的激情时取得了成功,通过恐惧和愤怒来唤醒他们,拒绝那些是一个令人内在的杂乱的妥协,这些妥协是一种适度的政治,并寻找他们可以发泄挫折的替罪羊目标。右边的民众主义者拥抱了左侧的生命主义和民众主义者有针对性的华尔街和点燃的班级战争。十多年来,民粹主义破坏了国会作为一个机构,导致党派的极化和代表们难以寻求妥协,因为害怕被党派强硬舰(2016年品牌的初选挑战。

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