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THE TACHAI CAMPAIGN AND CHINA'S RURAL POLICY, 1964-1979.

机译:1964年至1979年,《大柴竞选与中国的农村政策》。

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摘要

This study deals with China's basic rural policy issues, the changing nature of the Chinese leadership's consensus and dispute with regard to them, and a complex relationship among power struggle, policy change, and local response on the basis of a detailed analysis of the Tachai model and the Tachai Campaign in the post-Great Leap Chinese countryside.; China's basic rural policy issues center around China's historic search for a proper relationship between social revolution and economic development, which has been debated for generations throughout modern Chinese history. After 1949, there evolved serious differences of opinion among Chinese leaders over such broad ideological problems as how to balance with "politics" with "economics" as well as over some specific rural policies such as the extent of the leadership's concession to "capitalist tendencies" among the peasants. Generally speaking, the "conservative" leaders place greater emphasis on economic development and "efficient" economic policies, while the "radicals" stress the importance of political, ideological and organizational work to restrict "capitalist tendencies" among the peasants and "revisionist" effects of the conservatives' policies.; Despite the existence of serious disputes, however, the Chinese leadership was able to maintain a broad consensus or compromise on rural policies from 1949 to 1957, and also on the shift to the Great Leap Forward. The failure of the Great Leap created uncertainty and conflict, but the leadership was able to reach a compromise policy at the Tenth Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee held in 1962 on the basis of a balanced representation of the Party's "radical" line on classes and class struggle, on the one hand, and the Party's more or less "conservative" rural economic policies, on the other hand. These compromise policy guidelines remained basically unchanged in pre-Cultural Revolution periods and in the 1970s, even though the ambiguity of a compromise policy produced conflicting interpretations at both national and local levels.; In post-Great Leap China leadership included both "radical" and "conservative" elements, and hence one finds conflicting themes in every period--probably with a couple of exceptions--on rural policies. The evolution of the Tachai Campaign of 1964-1979 shows the coexistence of both radical and conservative views. At the same time, however, it also shows that the Tachai Campaign policies were generally formulated in accordance with the 1962 compromise. The Tachai model also reflects the leadership's compromise. Even though it was essentially "radical" in its emphasis on mass mobilization for rapid development of the rural economy and on the expansion of the collective economy, it stresses a direct linkage between "revolution" and "production," and an implementation of some Great Leap goals with more or less conservative approaches.; The emergence of a compromise leadership and policy in post-Great Leap China was due to the fragmentation of the leadership as well as the leadership's learning experience from both the Great Leap debacle and a rather drastic retreat from the Great Leap policies, which upset China's long-cherished goal of simultaneous achievement of social transformation and economic development. In addition, the diversification and division of Chinese society makes it increasingly difficult for national policy to be uniformly implemented. Local reactions to the Tachai Campaign indicate that socio-economic conditions of local units are no less important than political factors in affecting their performance in the Tachai Campaign.; In post-Mao China a compromise leadership and policy is seriously challenged by the conservative leadership. Given the fact that both radical and conservative forces are deeply rooted in Chinese politics and society, however, it would appear to be difficult for post-Mao leadership to abandon compromise politics in the near future.
机译:这项研究在对塔克海模型进行详细分析的基础上,研究了中国的基本农村政策问题,中国领导人关于这些问题的共识和争议的变化性质,以及权力斗争,政策变化和地方对策之间的复杂关系。以及大跃进后的中国乡村中的大斋节运动。中国的基本农村政策问题围绕着中国在社会革命与经济发展之间寻求适当关系的历史探索,而这种争论在整个近代中国历史上已被世代相传。 1949年后,中国领导人在广泛的意识形态问题上形成了严重分歧,例如如何与“政治”与“经济学”保持平衡,以及在某些具体的农村政策上,例如领导人对“资本主义倾向”的让步程度。在农民中间。一般而言,“保守”领导人更加强调经济发展和“有效”经济政策,而“激进主义者”则强调政治,思想和组织工作对于限制农民中“资本主义倾向”和“修正主义”影响的重要性。保守派的政策;尽管存在严重的争端,但中国领导人仍能够在1949年至1957年的农村政策以及向大跃进的转变方面保持广泛共识或妥协。大跃进的失败造成了不确定性和冲突,但在1962年举行的第八届中央委员会第十次全体会议上,领导层得以达成妥协政策,其基础是党在阶级和阶级上的“激进”路线的平衡代表。一方面是阶级斗争,另一方面是党的或多或少的“保守”农村经济政策。这些折衷政策的指导方针在文化大革命之前和1970年代基本保持不变,尽管折衷政策的含糊不清在国家和地方一级造成了相互矛盾的解释。在大跃进之后,中国的领导层既包含了“激进”元素,又包含了“保守”元素,因此人们发现在每个时期(可能有几个例外),农村政策的主题都相互矛盾。 1964年至1979年塔克海运动的演变表明,激进派和保守派观点并存。但是,与此同时,它也表明,“大寨战役”政策通常是根据1962年的妥协制定的。 Tachai模式也反映了领导层的妥协。尽管它本质上是“激进的”,强调了为农村经济的快速发展而进行的大规模动员和集体经济的扩张,但它强调了“革命”与“生产”之间的直接联系,并强调了一些“大革命”的实施。用或多或少的保守方法来实现目标。大跃进后的中国出现了妥协的领导和政策,这是由于领导的分裂以及领导对大跃进崩溃的学习经验以及对大跃进政策的大刀阔斧的撤退,这使中国长期以来陷入困境实现社会转型与经济发展并举的目标。此外,中国社会的多元化和分化使统一执行国家政策变得越来越困难。当地对塔克海运动的反应表明,当地部队的社会经济条件在影响其在塔克海运动中的表现同政治因素同样重要。在后毛中国,保守的领导层严重地挑战了妥协的领导层和政策。然而,鉴于激进势力和保守势力都深深扎根于中国政治和社会,事实上,后毛泽东领导层在不久的将来放弃妥协政治似乎很困难。

著录项

  • 作者

    SOU, JIN-YOUNG.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Washington.;

  • 授予单位 University of Washington.;
  • 学科 Political Science Public Administration.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1980
  • 页码 539 p.
  • 总页数 539
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;
  • 关键词

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