首页> 外文学位 >LIBERAL REFORM IN CROATIA, 1872-75: THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CROATIA UNDER BAN IVAN MAZURANIC.
【24h】

LIBERAL REFORM IN CROATIA, 1872-75: THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CROATIA UNDER BAN IVAN MAZURANIC.

机译:克罗地亚的自由改革,1872-75年:禁令伊万·马祖拉尼奇下现代克罗地亚的开端。

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例

摘要

Between 1872 and 1875 the government and legislature of the Kingdom of Croatia, an autonomous part of the Hungarian half of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, enacted an extensive program of reform in the spirit of classic nineteenth-century liberalism. Among the thirty-six separate reform measures passed in these years were the reorganization of the administrative structure and the courts, the founding of a state-run public school system and a university, a slight broadening of civil liberties, Jewish emancipation, a penal reform, a reorganization of the public health system, and tentative economic legislation. The responsibility for these reforms lay with the ban, or chief executive of Croatia, Ivan Mazuranic, and with the sabor, the local legislature, dominated by the Nationalist Party to which Mazuranic belonged. The ban and sabor majority consciously imitated liberal reforms enacted elsewhere in Europe, borrowing eclectically but showing a preference for Austrian and German models. Although many of their reforms encountered opposition inside and outside the sabor, this opposition remained fragmented and ineffectual, directed more at the details of the legislation than at its liberal inspiration. The enactment of these reforms and the legislative and newspapers debates over them offer striking proof of the acceptance of the beliefs of classical liberalism by Croatia's politically active minority.;This dissertation surveys the reforms, the debates over them, and the political situation responsible for this spate of legislation in order to illuminate a neglected aspect of Croatian nationalism, the commitment to liberalism of the Croatian Nationalist Party. Furthermore, by concentrating on political life within the Kingdom of Croatia and not on the Croatian nationalist movement as a whole, the dissertation also results in a revision of traditional views of two important problems in Yugoslav historiography, the relationship between Croats and Serbs and the relationship between Croatia and Hungary. It shows that in the early 1870s Croats and Serbs within the Croatian Kingdom cooperated as much as they quarreled. It also demonstrates that, in this period at least, relatively amicable Croat-Hungarian relations were still possible and that post-1867 relations between Budapest and Zagreb were not always characterized by unremitting Hungarian attempts to curtail Croatian autonomy.;The reformers were, however, more representative of Croatia's small educated urban population than of the majority of the inhabitants, who were peasants and mostly illiterate. The reforms themselves were more congenial to the city dwellers, who partook of the general political life of the Habsburg Monarchy and were aware of political, social, and economic developments elsewhere in Europe, than they were to the peasants, whose still traditional life was under assault from these same European developments. The reformers, aware of this, proceeded from the assumption that their reforms would be a first step toward educating Croatia's masses to the benefits of the modern nineteenth century. Their reforms did represent a successful effort to bring Croatia into line with then generally accepted European political ideals and established the framework for Croatian government and society for the next fifty years.
机译:在1872年至1875年之间,奥匈帝国君主制匈牙利一半自治区克罗地亚王国的政府和立法机构本着经典的19世纪自由主义精神,制定了广泛的改革计划。在这些年来通过的三十六项单独的改革措施中,包括行政机构和法院的重组,建立国营公立学校系统和大学的制度,公民自由的略微扩大,犹太人的解放,刑事改革,公共卫生系统的重组和暂定的经济立法。这些改革的责任在于克罗地亚的禁令或首席执行官伊万·马祖拉尼奇(Ivan Mazuranic),以及由马祖拉尼奇所属的民族主义党主导的地方立法机构萨博尔。禁令和劳动多数人有意识地模仿欧洲其他地方实施的自由主义改革,折衷地借用资金,但显示出对奥地利和德国模式的偏爱。尽管他们的许多改革都遭到了内部和外部的反对,但这种反对仍然是零散的和无效的,更多的是针对立法的细节,而不是其自由主义的灵感。这些改革的实施以及有关它们的立法和报纸辩论为克罗地亚积极从事政治活动的少数群体接受古典自由主义的信念提供了惊人的证据。本论文调查了这些改革,对它们的辩论以及造成这一问题的政治局势为了阐明克罗地亚民族主义的一个被忽视的方面,即对克罗地亚民族主义党对自由主义的承诺,大量立法。此外,论文着眼于克罗地亚王国内部的政治生活,而不是整个克罗地亚民族主义运动,因此还对南斯拉夫史学中两个重要问题的传统观点进行了修正:克罗地亚与塞族之间的关系以及这种关系。在克罗地亚和匈牙利之间。它表明,在1870年代初,克罗地亚王国内的克罗地亚人和塞族人为争吵所进行的合作多。这也表明,至少在此期间,相对较友好的克罗地亚-匈牙利关系仍然可行,布达佩斯和萨格勒布之间1867年以后的关系并不总是以匈牙利为减少克罗地亚自治而进行的不懈努力。在克罗地亚受过良好教育的城市人口中,比大多数农民(大多数为文盲)更具代表性。改革本身更适合城市居民,他们喜欢哈布斯堡王朝的一般政治生活,并且了解欧洲其他地方的政治,社会和经济发展,而对农民来说,改革仍然是传统生活。来自欧洲同样的事态发展。改革者意识到这一点,是从这样的假设出发的,即他们的改革将是向克罗地亚群众提供教育以使其受益于现代19世纪的第一步。他们的改革确实是使克罗地亚与当时公认的欧洲政治理想保持一致的成功努力,并为克罗地亚政府和社会建立了未来五十年的框架。

著录项

  • 作者

    KROKAR, JAMES PAUL.;

  • 作者单位

    Indiana University.;

  • 授予单位 Indiana University.;
  • 学科 History European.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1980
  • 页码 332 p.
  • 总页数 332
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:51:37

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号