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Principled intervention: National security and the ideal of liberty in the diplomacy of the United States and Canada.

机译:原则性干预:美国和加拿大外交中的国家安全和自由理想。

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摘要

The United States and Canada have numerous common security concerns, and jointly participate in an extensive network of security arrangements. However, they have not always agreed on how to establish lasting international security, on the extent of their obligation to promote liberty abroad, or on the nature of the relationship between national security and suppression of liberty in foreign lands.;The twin goals of security and promotion of liberty abroad have been linked explicitly in the 20th century experiment with international organization. The United States played a unique role in the United Nations in compelling formal--though not actual--acceptance of the notion that liberty and security are indivisible. In contrast, Canada initially was hostile to the idea of UN involvement with individual liberties. It eventually embraced the idea, however, out of more general support for collective security. For Washington, the UN was valuable insofar as it helped extend the realm of liberty, and thereby of security; for Ottawa, promoting liberty through the UN was useful in sustaining the interest of democratic populations in otherwise failing international security arrangements.;Chief Executives in the United States historically have been more reluctant than Congress to intervene in Russia. Congress intermittently has set itself up as a "high court of indignation" to try Czars or Commissars for Russia's lasting habits of internal persecution and suppression of the national liberties of its neighbors. Successive Presidents, including Woodrow Wilson, have better understood the limits to America's moral authority, the complexity of diplomacy, and the breadth of American interests. More fundamentally, America has accepted the Soviet system and sphere of influence in practice, while rejecting both in principle as morally and politically illegitimate. Canada has adopted essentially the same approach, but with an overlay of considerable parochialism. Also, Ottawa has been more concerned with Washington than Moscow, on occasion viewing improved relations with the latter as a counterweight to the preponderant influence on its affairs of the former.
机译:美国和加拿大有许多共同的安全问题,并共同参与广泛的安全安排网络。但是,他们在如何建立持久国际安全,在国外促进自由的义务的程度,或国家安全与压制外国自由之间的关系的性质方面并没有达成一致。安全的双重目标在20世纪的实验中,与国外自由的发展与国际组织之间有着明确的联系。美国在强迫正式(尽管不是实际)接受自由和安全不可分割的观念方面在联合国中发挥了独特的作用。相比之下,加拿大最初对联合国介入个人自由的想法持敌对态度。但是,它最终出于更普遍的集体安全支持而接受了这个想法。对于华盛顿来说,联合国在帮助扩大自由领域,进而扩大安全领域方面具有重要意义。对于渥太华而言,通过联合国促进自由对于维持民主人民在否则会失败的国际安全安排中的利益很有帮助。从历史上看,美国最高行政长官比国会更不愿干预俄罗斯。国会断断续续地将自己设置为“愤慨最高法院”,以审判沙皇或委员们对俄罗斯持久的内部迫害和压制邻国民族自由的习惯。包括伍德罗·威尔逊(Woodrow Wilson)在内的历届总统都更好地理解了美国道义权威的局限性,外交的复杂性以及美国利益的广度。从根本上说,美国在实践中接受了苏联的体制和势力范围,而在原则上却在道义和政治上都是不合法的。加拿大采取了基本相同的方法,但有相当多的狭och主义。此外,渥太华对华盛顿的关注要大于对莫斯​​科的关注,有时将与莫斯科的关系改善视为对前者事务的主要影响力的平衡。

著录项

  • 作者

    Nolan, Cathal Joseph.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Toronto (Canada).;

  • 授予单位 University of Toronto (Canada).;
  • 学科 Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1989
  • 页码 568 p.
  • 总页数 568
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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