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Who guards the guardians? The foundations of political corruption.

机译:谁守护监护人?政治腐败的基础。

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摘要

The end of World War II marked a revolutionary period in history as numerous colonies achieved sovereign statehood and adopted democratic institutions. Sadly, the high hopes of many nationalist movements in the new states were soon dashed. The specific institutions that the new democracies adopted resembled those of different advanced states in form but not in performance. In practice, corruption, nepotism, bribery, and ultimately, coups d'etat or revolutions undermined the democratic principles espoused by nationalist movements.;What conditions underpin endemic corruption, and why does it persist more acutely in some countries than others? Why do democratic institutions, such as elections, often fail to curb corruption? Why do some authoritarian regimes develop into kleptocracies while others evolve into developmental states? In this dissertation, I build a theory based on insights from the literature on principal-agent relationships to explain the origins and persistence of corruption. I argue that the level of corruption in a polity is determined not only by the absence or presence of competitive elections, but also by the number of dimensions, or major cleavage issues, that structure competition among forces attempting to influence public policy.;In particular, I suggest that non-corrupt behavior is self-enforcing when competition to influence policy is uni-dimensional for two reasons. First, competition along a single dimension prevents politicians from significantly deviating from their substantive campaign promises such that they sell out a large number of their constituents. Second, free from the problem of ensuring that politicians remain relatively faithful to their campaign promises, constituents can better focus on the agency problem of policing corruption.;The theory of corruption presented in the dissertation is applied to two countries, the Philippines and Chile, under both democratic and authoritarian regimes. The four cases are compared to each other in order to determine the influence of regime type and the structure of competition to influence policy on corruption.
机译:第二次世界大战的结束标志着历史上的革命时期,因为许多殖民地获得了主权国家地位并采用了民主制度。可悲的是,新州许多民族主义运动的高期望很快就破灭了。新民主国家采用的具体制度在形式上与绩效上类似了不同先进国家的制度。在实践中,腐败,裙带关系,贿赂以及最终的政变或革命破坏了民族主义运动所拥护的民主原则;导致地方性腐败的条件是什么?为什么某些国家比其他地方更普遍地存在这种腐败?为什么民主机构(例如选举)通常无法遏制腐败?为什么某些专制政权发展为盗窃统治,而其他专制政权却发展为发展状态?在这篇论文中,我建立了一个基于委托代理关系文献的见解的理论来解释腐败的根源和持久性。我认为,政体中的腐败程度不仅取决于是否存在竞争性选举,还取决于构成试图影响公共政策的力量之间的竞争的规模或重大分裂问题的数量。 ,我认为当影响政策的竞争是一维的时,非腐败行为是自我强制的,这有两个原因。首先,单一维度上的竞争会阻止政客大幅偏离其实质性竞选承诺,从而使他们售出大量选民。其次,除了确保政客仍然相对忠实于竞选承诺的问题外,选民可以更好地将精力集中在治安腐败问题的代理问题上。论文中提出的腐败理论适用于两个国家,菲律宾和智利,在民主和专制政权下。比较这四个案例,以确定政体类型和竞争结构对腐败政策影响的竞争结构。

著录项

  • 作者单位

    Stanford University.;

  • 授予单位 Stanford University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.;Sociology Social Structure and Development.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1995
  • 页码 209 p.
  • 总页数 209
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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