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'Discontented but not inevitably reactionary': Organized labor in the Nixon years.

机译:“不满但并非不可避免地反动”:尼克松时代的有组织的劳动。

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摘要

The present study examines organized labor's role in American political and economic life during the Nixon years. In the 1960s, most observers regarded American workers as economically secure and content. Events at the close of the decade, however, undermined the image of the affluent worker. Workers' support for conservative candidates George Wallace and Richard Nixon during the 1968 presidential campaign convinced many observers that blue-collar Americans had swung to the right. In the election's aftermath, analysts of various political persuasions tried to explain “the blue-collar blues.” According to the mainstream press, white workers had become more concerned with social issues—ghetto rioting, campus unrest, widespread anti-war protest, the breakdown of law and order—than about “traditional” economic issues.; Richard Nixon hoped to capitalize on the Social Issue to woo white workers and fashion a new Republican majority. But the relationship between the Nixon Administration, a traditionally Democratic labor leadership, a radicalized student movement, and a volatile rank and file proved to be highly complex. Large-scale strikes against the General Electric and General Motors corporations in 1969 and 1970 showed that workers still considered economic issues to be of paramount concern. Workers and their unions did not uniformly support U.S. policy in Vietnam; indeed, during the Nixon years, unionists became more outspoken in their opposition to the war. Some unions even attempted a rapprochement with segments of the New Left. Organized labor denounced Nixon's attempts to combat the inflationary spiral the Vietnam War had triggered.; Nixon nevertheless won substantial blue-collar support during his 1972 reelection campaign. He did so not by playing the social issues but by neutralizing the Vietnam War and economic concerns. Nixon's victory proved to be short lived, however. The economic recession of 1973 took its toll on the workers and their unions. The energy crisis launched a devastating round of de-industrialization. By 1974, Nixon's blue-collar support had collapsed. For all their discontent, white workers had not become members of the new Republican majority. They were displeased with their position in American society, however, and their votes were available for courting.
机译:本研究考察了尼克松时期有组织的劳动在美国政治和经济生活中的作用。在1960年代,大多数观察家都认为美国工人在经济上是安全的和满足的。然而,近十年来发生的事件破坏了富裕工人的形象。 1968年总统大选期间,工人对保守派候选人乔治·华莱士和理查德·尼克松的支持使许多观察家相信,蓝领美国人已经向右摆动。在选举之后,各种政治说服的分析师试图解释“蓝领蓝调”。根据主流媒体的报道,白人工人比“传统”经济问题更加关注社会问题,例如贫民窟骚乱,校园动荡,广泛的反战抗议,法律和秩序崩溃。理查德·尼克松(Richard Nixon)希望利用社会问题来吸引白人工人,并塑造新的共和党多数派。但是事实证明,尼克松政府,传统上是民主党的劳工领导层,激进的学生运动与动荡的职级之间的关系非常复杂。 1969年和1970年对通用电气和通用汽车公司的大规模罢工表明,工人仍然认为经济问题是头等大事。工人及其工会没有统一支持越南的美国政策;确实,在尼克松时代,工会主义者对战争的直言不讳。一些工会甚至尝试与新左派的部分进行和解。有组织的劳工谴责尼克松为应对越战引发的通货膨胀螺旋而进行的尝试。不过,尼克松在1972年的竞选连任中赢得了蓝领的大力支持。他这样做不是通过打社会问题,而是通过中和越南战争和经济问题。尼克松的胜利被证明是短暂的。 1973年的经济衰退给工人及其工会造成了巨大的损失。能源危机引发了毁灭性的一轮去工业化。到1974年,尼克松的蓝领支持已经瓦解。尽管白人工人不满,但他们并未成为新共和党多数派成员。但是,他们对自己在美国社会中的地位感到不满,他们的选票也可以用来求婚。

著录项

  • 作者

    Abarca, Maria Graciela.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Massachusetts Amherst.;

  • 授予单位 University of Massachusetts Amherst.;
  • 学科 History United States.; Sociology Industrial and Labor Relations.; Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2001
  • 页码 297 p.
  • 总页数 297
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 美洲史;社会学;政治理论;
  • 关键词

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