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From the Open Door to the WTO: Constructing the national interest toward China, 1898--2000.

机译:从门户开放到WTO:构建对华国家利益,1898--2000年。

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摘要

Many studies take the end of the Cold War as a watershed in US-China relations, noting the current mingling of domestic and foreign policy, and the heightened activity of interest groups. This analysis shows that continuity has been as noticeable as change in US-China policy, that the national interest was never been clear or undisputed, and that the line between governmental and non-governmental actors has often been blurred. It also shows that interests, whether national or domestic, were not exogenous or given but constructed: although the international environment provided certain challenges and opportunities, and material resources imposed certain constraints, ideas played a crucial role in determining the way interests were perceived and power was employed.; The research uses the concept of recognition to examine the way in which a national interest toward China was constructed at five crucial moments over the last hundred years: the Open Door notes of 1899–1900; the debate over the recognition of the Republic of China between 1911 and 1913; non-recognition of the PRC in the late 1940s; normalization of relations with China in the 1970s; and Permanent Normal Trade Relations and China's Accession to the WTO in 2000. In each case, events in China or the broader context of US-China policy created mounting pressure on the existing policy framework, resulting in a fundamental re-examination of US policy. Resolution of the crisis involved not only a rational reassessment of policy in the light of new circumstances, but also a fundamental re-evaluation of the US role in China. Participants within and outside government offered competing interpretations of the same body of facts and their implications. Perceptions of national and particular interests were shaped by enduring myths about China, competing conceptions of US national identity, and historically specific debates over expansionism, self-determination, containment, détente, and globalization. They also reflected differing ideas about US relations with other countries, including Japan and the Soviet Union. As a result of the new recognition one vision of US interests in China emerged victorious and would be institutionalized as policy, shaping the terms of future debate, and privileging certain actors and marginalizing others.
机译:许多研究都将冷战的结束视为美中关系的分水岭,指出了当前国内外政策的融合以及利益集团活动的增加。这种分析表明,连续性与中美政策的变化一样引人注目,国家利益从来都不是明确的或无可争辩的,而且政府与非政府行为者之间的界线常常模糊不清。它还表明,国家或国内的利益不是外在的或既定的,而是构成的:尽管国际环境带来了一定的挑战和机遇,物质资源施加了一定的限制,但观念在决定人们对利益和权力的认识方式方面起着至关重要的作用。被雇佣。;这项研究使用承认的概念来检验在过去一百年的五个关键时刻建立对中国的国家利益的方式:1899年至1900年的门户开放笔记; 1911至1913年间关于承认中华民国的辩论;在1940年代后期不承认中华人民共和国; 1970年代与中国的关系正常化;以及永久正常贸易关系和2000年中国加入世界贸易组织(WTO)。在每种情况下,中国发生的事件或美中政策的更广泛背景都对现有政策框架造成越来越大的压力,导致对美国政策进行了根本性的重新审视。解决危机的方法不仅包括根据新情况对政策进行合理的重新评估,而且还需要对美国在中国的作用进行根本性的重新评估。政府内部和外部的参与者对同一事实及其含义提出了相互竞争的解释。对国家利益和特定利益的看法是由对中国的持久神话,对美国民族身份的相互竞争观念以及关于扩张主义,自决,遏制,缓和和全球化的历史性特定辩论所塑造的。他们还反映了有关美国与包括日本和苏联在内的其他国家的关系的不同看法。由于新的认识,美国对华利益的一种愿景胜利了,并将被制度化为政策,塑造了未来辩论的条件,并使某些行为者享有特权并使其边缘化。

著录项

  • 作者

    Holdaway, Jennifer A.;

  • 作者单位

    City University of New York.;

  • 授予单位 City University of New York.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.; Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2002
  • 页码 p.1113
  • 总页数 364
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;
  • 关键词

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