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A rentier theory of subnational democracy: The politically regressive effects of fiscal federalism in Argentina.

机译:地方民主的食利者理论:阿根廷财政联邦制的政治退步效应。

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摘要

Subnational regimes vary significantly within countries around the world. Even in well-established national democracies —like the USA in the 1950s or Argentina in the 1990s— local regimes are often far from democratic. In the last five decades scholarship on political regimes has produced an impressive body of research, but the focus has been mainly national.;This dissertation tackles what Robert Dahl called the "grave omission" of subnational regimes by providing and justifying rigorous descriptive and causal inferences for the 24 provinces of Argentina between its re-democratization in 1983 and 2007. At the level of description, I provide a detailed operationalization of the concept of subnational democracy, including a "thick" conceptualization and two alternative measurement strategies. The first (objective) strategy resorts to electoral and institutional indicators to create an index for all provinces and all gubernatorial terms since 1983. The second (subjective) strategy is based on the Survey of Experts on Provincial Politics (SEPP), in which 155 experts in all the provinces provided disaggregate information about their regimes for the period 2003-2007. Seventeen indices of different aspects of democracy were derived from this dataset.;At the level of explanation, I propose a rentier theory of subnational democracy, which shifts the focus of the rentier-state literature up by climbing Sartori's ladder of abstraction from the concept of resource rents to that of fiscal rents. Drawing on fiscal theories of the state, I argue that inter-provincial regime differences are to a large extent explained by a type of rentierism that is not geographically determined by natural resources but politically created by certain fiscal federalism arrangements. I posit that less democratic regimes are more likely in rentier provinces —those that receive disproportionately large central government transfers and practically forgo local taxation. Intergovernmental revenue-sharing rules that produce large vertical fiscal imbalances and favor the economically smaller districts provide their incumbents with generous fiscal federalism rents that allow them to restrict democratic contestation and weaken checks and balances. Statistical evidence from the Argentine provinces supports this explanation, which overshadows its main alternative, modernization theory. These findings are robust to alternative estimators and measurement choices. Qualitative and quantitative evidence suggest that the effects of heavy public spending and statism on the economic autonomy of political actors are the main causal mechanisms at work.
机译:在世界范围内,国家/地区以下地方的体制差异很大。即使在成熟的国家民主制中(例如1950年代的美国或1990年代的阿根廷),地方政权通常也远非民主。在过去的五十年中,有关政治制度的学术研究产生了令人印象深刻的研究,但重点一直是国家研究。本论文通过提供并证明严格的描述性和因果推理,解决了罗伯特·达尔所称的次国家政权的“严重遗漏”。在1983年至2007年重新民主化之间的24个阿根廷省。在描述的层次上,我详细介绍了次国家民主概念的实施,包括“粗略”概念化和两种替代性测量策略。第一项(客观)策略诉诸选举和体制指标,以创建自1983年以来所有省和州长的索引。第二(主观)策略基于省级政治专家调查(SEPP),其中有155名专家在所有省份中,都提供了有关其2003-2007年时期政权的分类信息。从该数据集中得出了民主各方面的17个指标。在解释的层次上,我提出了次国家民主的食利者理论,通过从萨尔托里的抽象概念上攀登萨尔托里的抽象阶梯,将食利者国家文学的重点转移了资源租金等于财政租金。根据国家的财政理论,我认为省际政权差异在很大程度上由一种食利主义来解释,这种食利主义不是地理上由自然资源决定的,而是由某些财政联邦制安排在政治上造成的。我认为,在食利者的省份中,民主程度较低的政权更有可能发生-这些省份获得的中央政府巨额拨款不成比例,实际上放弃了地方税收。政府间收入共享规则产生了巨大的纵向财政失衡,并有利于经济上较小的地区,为其在位者提供了丰厚的财政联邦制租金,使他们能够限制民主竞争并削弱制衡。来自阿根廷各省的统计证据支持了这一解释,这一解释使它的主要替代选择现代化理论黯然失色。这些发现对于替代估计量和度量选择是可靠的。定性和定量证据表明,大量公共支出和国家主义对政治行为者经济自主权的影响是起作用的主要因果机制。

著录项

  • 作者

    Gervasoni, Carlos.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Notre Dame.;

  • 授予单位 University of Notre Dame.;
  • 学科 Latin American Studies.;Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2011
  • 页码 454 p.
  • 总页数 454
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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