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Representation and Access of Chinese Compound Words.

机译:汉语复合词的表示和访问。

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摘要

This dissertation reports on three studies of the cognitive representations and processes in visual recognition of Chinese two-character compound words. Because Chinese two-character compound words are composed of two spatially separated characters which themselves are words, there has been a debate about whether these words are represented and processed in the mental lexicon as unitary wholes or as combinations of the component characters (Zhang & Peng, 1992; Taft & Zhu, 1995).;The first two studies are concerned with whether Chinese two-character compound words have decomposed or holistic orthographic representations in the mental lexicon. Study 1 made use of the high frequency orthographic neighbor inhibition effect (Grainger & Jacobs, 1996; Davis & Lupker, 2006) in the masked priming paradigm. It was found that a high frequency orthographic neighbor (e.g., [special characters omitted] means virtually in English) inhibited recognition of a low frequency target word (e.g., [special characters omitted], means brief in English). The high frequency orthographic neighbor inhibition effect was supposed to be caused by lexical competition between prime and target words (Grainger & Jacobs, 1996). Therefore, the observation of inhibition in Study 1 suggests that the prime words have word-level representations that compete with those of target words for lexical access. It is argued that the activated word-level lexical representation is likely to be orthographic representation, rather than phonological and semantic representations, because the influence of phonology was found to be limited in a follow-up experiment, and the semantic relatedness between the prime and target words was low. Furthermore, because the inhibition effects were stronger for semantically opaque than transparent compound words, it seems that opaque words are more likely than transparent words to be represented as unitary units.;Study 2 adapted the transposed-letter similarity effect in English (Forster, Davis, Schoknecht, & Carter, 1987; Acah & Perea, 2008) into transposed-character similarity effect in Chinese to further examine the orthographic representation of Chinese compound words. Study 2 examined the processing of both transposable and untransposable compound words to distinguish the decomposed account (which assumes morpheme-to-word activation) and the holistic account (which assumes activation of word-level orthographic representation) of the mental representation of Chinese compound words. It was found that transposable word-word pairs (e.g., [special characters omitted], means tie in English-[special characters omitted], means lead in English) did not produce significant priming effects. This result is inconsistent with the decomposed account, but is explicable in terms of the holistic account. Two follow-up experiments show that the transposed-character similarity effects differ for transparent (e.g., [special characters omitted], means proud in English) and opaque words (e.g., [special characters omitted], means careless in English). Transposed nonwords show significant facilitation effect to the original words when the original words were opaque (e.g., [special characters omitted]) but not when they were transparent words (e.g., [special characters omitted]). It suggests that opaque words are more likely than transparent words to be represented as orthographic wholes. The findings of word-level orthographic representation and the influence of semantic transparency provide convergent evidence for the conclusions reached by Study 1.;The third study investigated whether or not the meaning of a component morpheme would be activated in the process of recognizing a Chinese two-character compound word. Current accounts of morphological processing disagree on whether morphological processing is form then meaning, or form with meaning (Feldman, O'Connor, & Del Prado Martin, 2009; Davis & Rastle, 2010). The focus of the debate is actually whether morpheme meaning activation occurs at early stage of compound word processing. This study attempted to contribute to that debate by trying to dissociate morphological processing of form and meaning. The method was to investigate masked priming effects produced by prime-target pairs that contained a pair of semantically related morphemes but without any overlap in orthography, phonology or whole-word meaning (e.g., [special characters omitted] /surprised in English/-[special characters omitted]/break one's promise in English/). Since there was no overlap between the prime and the target in form, any priming effects produced could be attributed unequivocally to activation of morpheme meaning (e.g., [special characters omitted], both means eat in English). The results of Study 3 show that morpheme meaning activation without form overlap occurred as early as the first 60ms of word processing. This finding is more consistent with the form-with-meaning than the form-then-meaning account.;In sum, the three studies suggest that, on one hand, Chinese compound words, particularly the opaque ones, seem to be represented as holistic orthographic units in the mental lexicon. On the other hand, the meanings of the component morphemes are activated in visual recognition of Chinese compound words, suggesting a decomposed access. The implications of these results for a model of Chinese compound word representation and access, as well as the dispute between morpho-orthographic and morpho-semantic decomposition accounts of morphological processing in other languages, were discussed.
机译:本论文对汉语二字复合词的视觉识别认知过程进行了三项研究。由于中文的两个字符的复合词由两个空间分隔的字符组成,它们本身就是单词,因此一直存在关于这些单词在心理词典中是作为一个整体还是作为组成字符的组合来表示和处理的争论(Zhang和Peng ,1992; Taft&Zhu,1995).;前两项研究关注的是中文两字复合词在心理词典中是否已分解或整体正字法表示。研究1在掩蔽启动范例中利用了高频正字邻域抑制效应(Grainger和Jacobs,1996; Davis和Lupker,2006)。已经发现,高频正字法邻居(例如,[特殊字符省略]实际上是用英语表示)抑制了低频目标词的识别(例如[[特殊字符省略],是用英语简要表示)。高频正字法邻居抑制作用被认为是由本词和目标词之间的词汇竞争引起的(Grainger&Jacobs,1996)。因此,研究1中对抑制的观察表明,素词具有与目标词竞争的词级表示形式,可进行词汇访问。有人认为,激活的单词级词汇表述很可能是正交表述,而不是语音和语义表述,因为在后续实验中发现语音的影响是有限的,并且素数和语义之间的语义相关性目标词偏低。此外,由于语义上不透明的抑制作用要强于透明复合词,因此似乎不透明词比透明词更有可能被表示为单位。;研究2改编了英语中的转置字母相似性效应(Forster,Davis (Schoknecht&Carter,1987; Acah&Perea,2008)转化为汉语的转置字符相似性效应,以进一步研究汉语复合词的正字表示。研究2研究了可转位和不可转位复合词的处理过程,以区分汉语复合词心理表征的分解账户(假设词素到单词激活)和整体账户(假设激活词级正字表示) 。发现可换位的单词-单词对(例如,[省略特殊字符],表示英语中的领带-[[省略特殊字符],中文中的铅)没有产生明显的启动效果。该结果与分解后的科目不一致,但是就整体科目而言是可以解释的。两个后续实验表明,透明字符(例如[省略特殊字符],以英语为荣)和不透明字词(例如,[特殊字符省略],以英语为粗心)的转置字符相似性效果不同。当原始单词不透明(例如,[省略特殊字符])时,转置的非单词对原始单词显示出显着的促进作用,但当它们是透明词(例如,[省略特殊字符])时,转置非单词则显示出明显的促进效果。这表明不透明词比透明词更有可能被表示为正字法整体。单词级正字法表示的发现和语义透明性的影响为研究1得出的结论提供了收敛的证据。;第三项研究调查了在识别汉语两个汉字的过程中是否会激活成分词素的含义。字符复合词。关于形态加工的当前论述在形态加工是形式还是意义还是意义形式上是不一致的(Feldman,O'Connor和Del Prado Martin,2009; Davis和Rastle,2010)。辩论的焦点实际上是词素含义激活是否发生在复合词处理的早期阶段。这项研究试图通过分离形式和意义的形态学处理,为这场辩论做出贡献。该方法是研究由包含一对语义相关的语素但在拼字法,音韵学或全字含义上没有重叠(例如,[特殊字符省略] /英语惊奇// [省略特殊字符] /用英语兑现承诺/)。由于素词和目标词在形式上没有重叠,因此产生的任何素词效应都可以明确地归因于语素含义的激活(例如,[特殊字符省略],两者均用英语表示进食)。研究3的结果表明,在字处理的前60毫秒内就发生了语素含义激活而没有形式重叠。总而言之,这一发现与“有意义的形式”比“有意义的形式”更一致。,这三项研究表明,一方面,中文复合词,尤其是不透明复合词,似乎在心理词典中被表示为整体拼字单位。另一方面,在汉语复合词的视觉识别中,激活了成分词素的含义,这暗示了分解的访问。讨论了这些结果对中文复合词表示和访问模型的意义,以及其他语言的词法处理的词法-正字法和词法-语义分解帐目之间的争议。

著录项

  • 作者

    Zhang, Lingyan.;

  • 作者单位

    The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong).;

  • 授予单位 The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong).;
  • 学科 Language Linguistics.;Education Educational Psychology.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2011
  • 页码 184 p.
  • 总页数 184
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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