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Lobbying the European Union versus lobbying the United States: A contribution to formal theory.

机译:游说欧洲联盟与游说美国:对形式理论的贡献。

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摘要

This dissertation takes a game-theoretic approach to the study of voting in the presence of lobbies and an external agenda setter. We develop several formal models of voting, each proceeding from a set of institutional assumptions drawn from extant political structures.;Chapter 1 constructs a model of lobbying in European Union Trade policy formation, and juxtaposes results with Grossman and Helpman's [1994] model of US trade policy in order to explain observed differences in tariff patterns. I prove that, if only national lobbies are active, the agenda setter can reach any point in the policy space. Applied to the European Union, this implies that a free-trade-biased Commission can lower tariffs even if all legislators and all lobbies are opposed. Lobbies can counteract the agenda setter's power by organizing transnationally. If contributions are conditional on the entire voting profile, such a 'transnational lobby' can veto any proposal at no cost. If contributions are conditional on the votes of each recipient legislator, the transnational lobby has only to possess a greater willingness to pay than the median national lobby to achieve this result.;Using the theoretical frameworks of Chapter 1 as starting points, subsequent chapters extend results both to more general theoretical assumptions and to particular empirical settings. In Chapter 3 (joint with Douglas Bernheim), we generalize the agenda power result to a generic policy space. In Chapter 5 (joint with Kenneth Shepsle), the transnational-lobby framework is applied to study the selection and approval of US Supreme Court nominees. Chapter 7 (joint with Gianmarco Ottaviano) returns to a direct comparison between United States and European lobbying. We investigate lobbying under majoritarian versus proportional systems, and corresponding effects on welfare. Within parameters that comport with observed empirical data, we show that lobbying under the majoritarian system is welfare-improving, while lobbying creates higher distortions in the proportional system.
机译:本文采用一种博弈论的方法来研究存在大厅和外部议程制定者的情况下的投票问题。我们开发了几种正式的投票模型,每种模型都基于从现存政治结构中得出的一系列制度假设。第一章构建了欧盟贸易政策形成中的游说模型,并将结果与​​美国的Grossman and Helpman [1994]模型并列。贸易政策,以解释观察到的关税模式差异。我证明,如果只有国家游说活跃,则议程制定者可以在政策空间中达到任何目的。应用于欧盟,这意味着即使所有立法者和所有游说者都反对,以自由贸易为由的委员会也可以降低关税。大厅可以通过跨国组织来抵消议程制定者的权力。如果捐款以整个投票情况为条件,那么这种“跨国游说团”可以否决任何提案,而无需任何费用。如果捐款以每个接受者的立法者的投票为条件,则跨国游说者仅须具有比中位数国家游说者更大的支付意愿才能实现这一结果。以第一章的理论框架为起点,后续各章扩展结果既适用于更一般的理论假设,也适用于特定的经验背景。在第3章(与道格拉斯·伯恩海姆合着)中,我们将议事权结果概括为通用的政策空间。在第5章(与Kenneth Shepsle联合)中,采用了跨国大堂框架来研究美国最高法院候选人的选拔和批准。第7章(与Gianmarco Ottaviano联合)返回到美国和欧洲游说之间的直接比较。我们调查了在多数制和比例制下的游说行为,以及对福利的相应影响。在与观察到的经验数据相符的参数范围内,我们表明,在多数制下的游说会改善福利,而游说会在比例系统中造成更高的扭曲。

著录项

  • 作者

    Console Battilana, Silvia.;

  • 作者单位

    Stanford University.;

  • 授予单位 Stanford University.;
  • 学科 Economics General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2007
  • 页码 151 p.
  • 总页数 151
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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