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Zoning out dance clubs in Manhattan: Gentrification and the changing landscapes of alternative cultures.

机译:对曼哈顿的舞蹈俱乐部进行分区:绅士化和替代文化的变化景观。

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摘要

This dissertation examines controversies and conflicts over the cabaret law that regulates spaces for social dancing in Manhattan. It further investigates the ways in which the dynamic relationship between space, culture, law, and rights, works to constitute a new urban condition created by a new capitalism. The main research question that animates this investigation relates to how changes in the economic, social, and cultural geography in NYC brought about by gentrification since the 1970s have transformed the notion of legitimate urban rights, like the right to social dancing.;Since the late 1970s, the city government sought to overcome the financial problems caused by a decade of deindustrialization and the mid-1970s fiscal crisis by restructuring the city's economy toward postindustrialization and neoliberalization. Gentrification became a significant "spatial fix" to accomplish these goals. Derelict inner-city neighborhoods became the primary targets of gentrification due to the greater profitability created by "rent gaps" in these places. In this process of gentrification of inner-city neighborhoods, the image of alternative cultures and the vibrant nightlife that characterized these neighborhoods, was effectively deployed to allure yuppies by tapping into their proclivity for the consumption of urban lifestyles.;However, as new residents settled in the neighborhoods, nightlife establishments including dance clubs conflicted with new neighbors mainly due to the noise, crowds, vandalism, and other "nuisances" that these establishments ostensibly abetted. To fix the nightlife problem, the Koch administration revised the cabaret law at the end of 1980s to dramatically reduce the planning zones that allowed spaces for any size of social dancing. Later, starting in the mid-1990s, the Giuliani administration, an urban regime that heavily drew upon "Quality of Life" as a key political mantra, abused the social dancing provision of the cabaret law, cracking down on any nightlife establishments in the newly gentrifying areas on the grounds that they allowed more than three patrons to dance without a cabaret license. Such enforcement had a particularly deleterious impact on small, dance- and music-oriented clubs that were already struggling with skyrocketing rents. With such governmental abuse, the city's political arena soon became the site of fierce controversies regarding the importance of social dancing. Arguments for social dancing as a fundamental human right and important urban right that fulfills many functions including enabling socializations unique to urban life, providing diverse and organic cultures, and even encouraging progressive politics, were either ignored or resisted by the city government that drew upon diverse laws and regulations -- even those that criminalized social dancing -- in order to create a beneficial environment for new residents and their desired quality of life.;Anti-cabaret law activists made political efforts to eliminate or reform the provision of the cabaret law that criminalized social dancing. While they enjoyed vast popular support, it was next to impossible for such activists to make even the most modest modifications to the zoning provisions of the cabaret law. These activists' efforts to challenge the constitutionality of the cabaret law in court also failed because the court did not acknowledge the expressive element of social dancing.;This research connects the court's decision on social dancing with the brutal neoliberalization of social life that has granted immunity to municipalities' ungrounded regulation of a range of important social activities. Further, through an analysis of the various conflicts over alternative spaces in NYC, including spaces for social dancing, this dissertation shows, on the one hand, that the transformation of urban space through gentrification into an upscale heaven for middle-upper class yuppies has gradually transformed the notion of legitimate rights in urban space, and, on the other, how all of us are implicated in this process and why we should critically interrogate this process.
机译:本文探讨了关于歌舞表演法律的争议和冲突,该法律规范了曼哈顿的社交舞场所。它进一步研究了空间,文化,法律和权利之间的动态关系如何构成由新的资本主义创造的新的城市条件。自1970年代以来,绅士化带来的纽约市经济,社会和文化地理的变化如何改变了本次调查的主要研究问题,如何改变了合法的城市权利的概念,例如社会舞蹈权。 1970年代,市政府试图通过将城市经济结构调整为后工业化和新自由化,来克服由去工业化十年和1970年代中期财政危机引起的金融问题。绅士化成为实现这些目标的重要“空间手段”。由于在这些地方“租金缺口”带来的更大获利能力,废弃的城市中心社区成为高档化的主要目标。在城市社区高档化的这一过程中,替代文化和活跃的夜生活是这些社区的特征,通过利用它们对城市生活方式的消费倾向,有效地部署了雅皮犬。在社区中,包括舞蹈俱乐部在内的夜生活场所与新邻居发生冲突,主要是由于这些场所表面上煽动的噪音,人群,故意破坏和其他“烦扰”。为了解决夜生活问题,科赫政府于1980年代末修改了歌舞表演法,以大大减少允许任何规模的社交舞蹈场所的规划区域。后来,从1990年代中期开始,朱利安尼(Giuliani)政府(一个严重依赖“生活质量”作为主要政治口头的城市政权)滥用了歌舞表演法中的社交舞蹈规定,镇压了新成立的夜生活场所高档化地区,理由是他们允许三名以上的顾客在没有歌舞表演许可证的情况下跳舞。这种执法对已经苦苦挣扎的房租的小型舞蹈和音乐俱乐部产生了特别有害的影响。由于政府的这种虐待,这座城市的政治舞台很快就成为关于社交舞蹈重要性的激烈争论的场所。作为一种基本人权和重要城市权利而履行社会舞蹈的论点,被市政府忽略或抵制,该论据履行了许多职能,包括实现城市生活特有的社会化,提供多样化和有机的文化,甚至鼓励进步的政治。法律和法规-甚至将那些将社交舞定为犯罪的法律和法规,以便为新居民及其期望的生活质量创造有利的环境。;反卡巴特法律活动家做出了政治努力,以消除或改革歌舞表演法的规定,将社交舞定为犯罪。尽管他们得到了公众的广泛支持,但这样的活动家几乎不可能对歌舞表演法的分区规定进行最适度的修改。这些积极分子在法庭上质疑歌舞表演法的合宪性的努力也失败了,因为法院没有承认社交舞的表达要素。这项研究将法庭对社交舞的决定与赋予豁免权的残酷的新的社会生活自由化联系起来市政当局对一系列重要社会活动的无根据的监管。此外,通过对纽约替代空间(包括社交舞蹈空间)的各种冲突的分析,本论文一方面表明,通过绅士化将城市空间转变为中上层阶级雅皮士的高档天堂已逐渐改变了城市空间中合法权利的概念,另一方面改变了我们所有人如何参与这一过程,以及为什么我们应该批判性地审问这一过程。

著录项

  • 作者

    Hae, Laam.;

  • 作者单位

    Syracuse University.;

  • 授予单位 Syracuse University.;
  • 学科 Geography.;Urban and Regional Planning.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2007
  • 页码 381 p.
  • 总页数 381
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 自然地理学;区域规划、城乡规划;
  • 关键词

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