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The significance of the European Union for the evolution of citizenship and immigration policies: The cases of the United Kingdom and Italy.

机译:欧盟对公民身份和移民政策演变的重要性:英国和意大利的案例。

摘要

This thesis analyses the link that the establishment of European citizenship creates between citizenship, nationality, and immigration policies. To be a European citizen, one needs to be a national of a member state. According to this criterion, nationality and citizenship are bound to each other. There is no possibility of access for those who do not have the status of national citizenship. European citizenship legitimised a privileged position to which not all individuals are entitled, and conditions of access are under the jurisdiction of each member state. It is argued that normatively European citizenship reinforces the ideology of nationality while empirically it has been used to forge a sort of European identity. In other words, the underlying argument is that European citizenship functions to define European identity and nationality functions towards the establishment of national immigration policies. This process leads to the formation of a binary typology of 'us and them', strengthened by legislation and political debates. The formation of the category of 'us' as Europeans does not find a response at the empirical level as the public does not fully identify with the Euro-polity. What emerges instead is that the public regards 'compatibility' between a European and national identity as more optimal. The principal benefit of Euro-citizenship is to re-prioritise the means of citizenship from political rights to social and economic rights. This 'opportunity structure', nevertheless, remains in a void as long as Community membership relies on the condition of nationality. The thesis proposes the introduction of a 'legal subjectivity' based on the redefinition of the concept of legality detached from nationality and grounded in the active exercise of civil, political, and social rights. Such a redefinition is necessary to sidestep the difficulties entailed in any attempt to separate citizenship from nationality in theory and practice. This would deprive citizenship of its regulative functions in terms of inclusion and exclusion, and it would reduce the importance attached to the inherent link between citizenship and nationality.
机译:本文分析了欧洲公民身份的建立在公民身份,国籍和移民政策之间的联系。要成为欧洲公民,一个人必须是一个成员国的国民。根据此标准,国籍和公民身份相互绑定。没有国民身份的人无法进入。欧洲公民身份将特权地位合法化,并非所有个人都有权享有这一特权,访问条件受每个成员国的管辖。有人认为,从规范上讲,欧洲公民身份强化了国籍意识形态,而根据经验,它已被用来塑造一种欧洲身份。换句话说,潜在的论点是,欧洲公民身份的功能是定义欧洲身份和国籍功能,以建立国家移民政策。这一过程导致形成“我们与他们”的二元类型学,并通过立法和政治辩论加以加强。由于公众并未完全认同欧洲政体,因此欧洲人对“我们”类别的形成在经验层面上没有找到回应。取而代之的是,公众认为欧洲和国家身份之间的“兼容性”更为理想。欧洲公民身份的主要好处是重新确定了公民身份的优先次序,从政治权利到社会和经济权利。但是,只要社区成员资格取决于国籍,这种“机会结构”就将保持空白。本文提出了一种“法律主观性”的引入,其基础是对合法性概念的重新定义,这种合法性概念与国籍分离,并以积极行使公民,政治和社会权利为基础。为了避免在理论上和实践上将国籍与国籍分离的任何尝试所面临的困难,这种重新定义是必要的。从包容和排斥的角度来看,这将剥夺公民的管制职能,并将降低对公民身份与国籍之间固有联系的重视。

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    DellOlio Fiorella;

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