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Newspapers' institutional voices in Zimbabwe : speaking to power through editorials between 1 June and 31 December 2013

机译:报纸在津巴布韦的机构声音:2013年6月1日至12月31日期间通过社论说话

摘要

This study investigates the complex role editorials – a newspaper's institutional voice – play in highly-polarised political contexts. Employing Van Dijk's insight that editorials "are usually not only, and even not primarily, directed at the common reader: rather they tend to directly or indirectly address influential news actors" (1992: 244), the study focuses on how the editorials of two Zimbabwean daily newspapers – The Herald, a perceived pro-government newspaper, and NewsDay, a perceived pro-opposition newspaper – speak to those in power. The study looks at these two newspapers' editorials from 1 June to 31 December 2013, which covers the period prior to, during and after the 2013 national elections. The 31 July, 2013 elections took place after four years of an uneasy government of national unity (GNU), which comprised ZANU-PF and the two MDC formations (Raftopoulos, 2013:978). Given the polarisation that is pervasive in the Zimbabwean politics and media, the study draws on Hallin and Mancini (2004)'s "Polarised Pluralist Model". In this model the media are used as instruments of struggle in conflicts, sometimes by dictatorships and by movements struggling against them, but also by contending parties in periods of democratic politics (Hallin and Mancini, 2004:61). Further, the methodological approach that informs this study is primarily qualitative. A qualitative content analysis of 30 editorials seeks to identify themes covered in the editorials. The study also employs a rhetorical analysis of 12 editorials and in-depth interviews and these form the adopted three-stage research design. The findings of this research somewhat contradict the common view in Zimbabwe that the privately-owned media blindly support the opposition while the stateowned media do the same to ZANU-PF (Chari, 2009:10; Mabweazara, 2011:110). Although The Herald openly supported ZANU-PF prior to the election, it shifted after the election as it pushed the ruling party to fulfill pledges made on the campaign trail. Some ZANU-PF officials were also censured by The Herald, although this selective criticism can be linked to factionalism in the party. NewsDay editorials reminded the newly formed government to mend the economy and provide basic services. While, the daily constantly censured Mugabe and ZANU-PF prior to the election, it also occasionally berated the MDC, which can be attributed to its participation in the GNU as that took away the privilege it previously had of not being hold accountable by the press.
机译:这项研究调查了社论的高度角色-报纸的机构声音-在高度分化的政治环境中发挥的作用。利用范·迪克(Van Dijk)的见解,社论“通常不仅,甚至不主要针对普通读者:相反,他们倾向于直接或间接地与有影响力的新闻参与者打交道”(1992:244),该研究着重于两个作者的社论津巴布韦的日报–公认的亲政府报纸《先驱报》和公认的反对党报纸NewsDay –与当权者对话。该研究研究了2013年6月1日至12月31日这两家报纸的社论,涵盖了2013年全国大选之前,之中和之后的时期。在经历了四年的动荡不安的民族团结政府(GNU)之后,2013年7月31日举行了选举,该政府由ZANU-PF和两个MDC组成(Raftopoulos,2013:978)。考虑到津巴布韦政治和媒体普遍存在的两极分化,该研究借鉴了哈林和曼奇尼(Hallin and Mancini,2004)的“极化多元论模型”。在这种模式下,媒体被用作冲突中的斗争工具,有时被专政和与之斗争的运动,也被民主政治时期的政党争夺(Hallin and Mancini,2004:61)。此外,为这项研究提供信息的方法学方法主要是定性的。对30篇社论的定性内容分析旨在确定社论中涉及的主题。该研究还对12条社论和深入访谈进行了修辞分析,形成了采用的三阶段研究设计。这项研究的发现与津巴布韦的普遍观点相矛盾,后者认为私有媒体盲目地支持反对派,而国有媒体对扎努比亚人民阵线也是如此(Chari,2009:10; Mabweazara,2011:110)。尽管《先驱报》在选举前公开支持ZANU-PF,但在选举后发生了变化,因为它推动执政党履行在竞选过程中所作的承诺。 《先驱报》还谴责了一些扎努-人民阵线官员,尽管这种选择性的批评可能与党内的派系主义有关。 《新闻日报》社论提醒新成立的政府改善经济并提供基本服务。虽然在选举前每日不断谴责Mugabe和ZANU-PF,但它有时也会指责MDC,这可以归因于它参加GNU,因为这剥夺了它以前没有被媒体追究的特权。 。

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    Nyaungwa Mathew;

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  • 年度 2015
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